世界不應因暴行而退縮 Time for engagement not fearful retreat
The murderous terrorist assault in Paris that has killed at least 127 people is civilisation’s worst nightmare: indiscriminate attacks in the heart of a capital city on peaceful people, guilty of nothing more than enjoying a meal or listening to a band. Coming days after suicide bomb blasts in Beirut, it is clear we are living through another spasm of Islamist terrorism, just at the moment when the extremists’ badlands in Syria and Iraq are under threat.
已造成至少132人被害的巴黎恐怖襲擊是文明的最可怕噩夢：在某個首都的市中心向和平的人民發起不分青紅皁白的襲擊，而被害者的過錯無非是享用一頓美餐或者聽一場音樂會。這波兇殘的恐怖襲擊發生在貝魯特遭遇自殺式炸彈幾天後，顯然說明我們正在經歷又一波伊斯蘭主義恐怖活動就在極端分子在敘利亞和伊拉克盤踞的不毛之地受到威脅之際。
The immediate reaction of the civilised world must be: collective courage in the face of such outrage; heightened vigilance and intelligence sharing; a targeted military response; and international solidarity with the French people.
文明世界的直接反應必須是：在這樣的暴行面前拿出集體勇氣；加強警戒和情報共享；有針對性的軍事反應；以及國際社會要與法國人民團結在一起。
The lines of blood donors queueing outside Parisian hospitals testify to the resolve and humanity of this great city’s population. The mass deployment of troops on France’s streets and the imposition of a state of emergency are the necessary response to restore public security. The expressions of sympathy from abroad are heartfelt. For so many foreigners, France is their second homeland: Nous sommes tous .
巴黎各家醫院外人們排起長隊獻血，證明了這個偉大城市的市民的決心和人性。在法國的街道上大規模部署部隊，以及實行緊急狀態，都是恢復治安的必要回應。來自國外的同情表示是發自內心的。對很多外國人來說，法國是他們的第二故鄉：Nous sommes tous （我們都是法國人）。
As ever with such attacks in New York and Washington in 2001, Madrid in 2004, London in 2005, Mumbai in 2008 and Paris earlier this year the terrorists are intent on killing ideals as well as individuals. They are targeting the values of open societies, of individual liberties and collective rights.
就像以往的此類襲擊（2001年在紐約和華盛頓、2004年在馬德里、2005年在倫敦、2008年在孟買，以及今年早些時候在巴黎）一樣，恐怖分子的意圖除了殺戮之外，還包括殺害理想。他們的目標是開放社會、個人自由和集體權利的價值觀。
Values should be defended, rather than diluted, amid the clamour of populist politicians offering simplistic and often counter-productive solutions. More powers may need to be granted to the police, border and intelligence agencies across Europe to counter extremism. But they should only ever be done so in the context of full democratic debate and accountability.
在民粹主義政客嚷嚷着提供簡單化而且往往適得其反的解決方案的背景下，價值觀應該得到捍衛，而不是稀釋。爲了對抗極端主義，可能需要向整個歐洲的警察、邊防和情報機構授予更多權力。但只應該在經過充分民主辯論和確立責任制度的情況下這樣做。
The attacks come at a moment of acute vulnerability for Europe as it struggles to cope with a migrant and refugee crisis originating in north Africa and the Middle East. Millions of desperate people have been fleeing the kinds of mindless barbarity now visited on the streets of Paris. Europe is struggling to pick a path between humanitarian generosity and hard-headed pragmatism in dealing with this unprecedented crisis.
這波襲擊發生之際，歐洲正處於格外脆弱的時刻，它正在艱難應對一場源自北非和中東地區的移民和難民危機。數百萬絕望的人們逃離如今降臨巴黎街頭的這種盲目野蠻行爲。在如何處理這場史無前例危機的問題上，歐洲正艱難地在人道主義慷慨和頭腦清醒的務實態度之間摸索路徑。
What is certain is that Poland’s ugly linkage of the Paris attacks to Europe’s migration policy is not the place to start. But tighter border controls, albeit short of formally suspending the Schengen agreement providing for free movement, should be on the table.
可以肯定的是，波蘭方面把巴黎遇襲與歐洲的移民政策醜陋地聯繫起來，不是一個合適的起點。但是，收緊邊境控制（儘管不到正式暫停讓歐洲人自由流動的申根協議的地步）應該被提上議事日程。
The medium-term response in France and elsewhere in Europe must be to address the clear alienation of a small minority of its own citizens. President Hollande has already acknowledged evidence of complicity in the attacks from within France. Further integration, rather than the demonisation of minority communities, is the only sensible, if difficult, response.
中期來看，法國以及歐洲其它國家必須做出的迴應是，解決本國公民中一小部分人明顯與主流社會疏離的問題。法國總統弗朗索瓦·奧朗德( Hollande)已承認，有證據表明這波襲擊得到了法國居民的內應。唯一明智（即便困難）的迴應是進一步推動少數族裔社區融入主流社會，而不是把他們妖魔化。
A long-term policy has to include Syria, where similar atrocities have become a daily tragedy. Isis, which has claimed it was behind the attacks, has established a stranglehold over parts of the country. The group’s mystique is that of a ruthless Sunni organisation, which brooks no opposition and contemplates no compromise, peddling a millenarian ideology that transcends both geography and time.
長期的政策必須包括敘利亞，在那裏，類似的暴行已成爲日常悲劇。已宣佈對巴黎恐怖襲擊承擔責任的“伊拉克和黎凡特伊斯蘭國”(ISIS)，已完全控制了敘利亞部分領土。該組織披上一個無情的遜尼派組織的神祕外衣，不容任何反對，不考慮任何妥協，穿越地理和時間，兜售一千年前的意識形態。
But Isis territory in Syria is coming under pressure from the US air force and Syrian Kurdish militia, now poised to push south towards Raqqa, the group’s stronghold. Outside powers should discuss co-ordinated action to destroy this totalitarian menace on the ground.
但ISIS在敘利亞的地盤正受到美國空軍和敘利亞庫爾德民兵組織的壓力，他們正準備向南推進，進逼ISIS的大本營拉卡(Raqqa)。外部大國應該討論協調行動，在第一線摧毀這個極權主義威脅。
The G20 summit meeting in Turkey should show equal resolve to help protect the civilians in Syria, who have been so traumatised by Isis and the regime of President Bashar al-Assad. Some 3m Syrians have fled abroad. More comfort and hope must be given to these people.
在土耳其舉行的20國集團(G20)峯會在幫助保護敘利亞平民的問題上應該表現出同樣的決心，這些平民在ISIS和敘利亞總統巴沙爾·阿薩德(Bashar al-Assad)政權的暴虐下遭受了巨大創傷。大約300萬敘利亞人已逃往國外。必須給予這些人更多安慰和希望。
That means that outside powers will have to push even harder for a political transition that attempts to distinguish between the interests of the Syrian state and those of the Assad regime. This is a time for further engagement with the world’s most troubled regions, rather than for a fearful retreat.
這意味着，外部大國將必須加倍努力推動政治過渡，試圖在敘利亞國家利益與阿薩德政權的利益之間作出區分。現在是對世界上最動盪的地區進一步干預的時候，而不應該出於恐懼而退縮。
