郊區 從逃離之地到安居之所
Cities are endlessly celebrated; the suburbs are derided.
城市永遠被歌頌，郊區則是被嘲諷的對象。
Urban culture is the apex of cool.
城市文化代表了酷的極致。
Suburbs are places to leave, settlements on a horizon just close enough to the glamour of the metropolis to feel its glow yet too far to feel a part of it.
郊區則是人們選擇離開的地方，在這種地方定居，距離大都市的魅力足夠近以至於可以感受到它所散發的光彩，但要融入成爲城市的一部分又距離太遠。
They are places for parents, not youth, despite the irony that couples move to the suburbs to find better conditions for their children: housing, schooling, more space and safety.
郊區是屬於父母而不是年輕人的地方，有諷刺意味的是，家長們遷居郊區正是爲了給自己的子女尋求更好的生活條件：例如住房、學校教育、更寬闊的空間和更高的安全性等。
It is no accident that the music and fashion movements that come from the suburbs — Mod, Punk, New Wave and onwards — are based on a particularly suburban alienation and a desire for the coolness or the anarchy of the urban future.
絕非偶然的是，源自郊區的音樂和時尚潮流——例如摩登派(Mod)、朋克(Punk)、新浪潮(New Wave)等等——是基於某種獨特的郊區隔離景象以及對於扮酷的渴望，或者對於城市未來無政府主義狀態的嚮往。
With the suburb as a place for the young to escape from, what happens when the city becomes too successful? When the young can no longer afford to rent even the tiniest of apartments? What has tended to happen is that the centre grows, subsuming successive once-suburban centres into its maw.
郊區是年輕人逃離的地方，但當城市變得過於成功時會怎樣呢？例如當年輕人負擔不起城裏哪怕最爲窄小的公寓的房租時會出現什麼情況？通常的結果是，城市中心不斷擴張，把一個又一個曾經的郊區中心吞入腹中。
Whether it is Red Hook in Brooklyn or Peckham in southeast London, gentrified suburbs cease to be suburban, price their original residents out and the suburbs move further from the centre.
不論是布魯克林的紅鉤區(Red Hook)還是倫敦東南部的佩卡姆區(Peckham)，中產階級化的郊區已經褪去了郊區的氣息，高昂的物價水平迫使原住居民遷出，真正的郊區轉移到了距離城市中心更遠的地方。
The future of suburbs is one of the biggest questions facing cities today.
郊區的未來是城市目前面臨的最重大問題之一。
The British invented them.
英國人發明了郊區。
Bedford Park in west London and Hampstead Garden Suburb to the north, were conceived a century or so ago as antidotes to city horrors.
倫敦西部的貝德福德公園(Bedford Park)和北部的漢普斯特德花園郊區(Hampstead Garden Suburb)是在約一個世紀以前作爲化解城市恐懼症的解藥而設計構想出來的。
Britain’s great contribution to urbanism amounts to a subversion of the city, mankind’s great invention, into a poor imitation of the country.
英國對於城市化的重要貢獻在於，將城市這一人類偉大的發明，顛覆爲了對於鄉村的一種粗糙模仿。
In the UK, about 80 per cent (in the US about half) of the population live in areas that could be called suburban.
在英國，約有80%（在美國這一比例約爲二分之一）的人口居住在稱得上是郊區的地區。
Yet very little thought in architecture, planning and culture, is given to the suburbs.
但人們在討論有關建築、規劃以及文化等方面的問題時很少考慮到郊區。
This is very different from the US postwar period, when they were seen as the engine of the consumer economy.
這與美國戰後時期的情況大相徑庭，當時郊區被視爲推動消費經濟的引擎。
Every family that moved from a city apartment to a suburban house would need to fill it with goods, buy a car, a lawnmower.
每個從城市公寓搬往郊區大宅的家庭都需要採購物品填充宅院，買輛車，再買一臺割草機。
The suburbs were subsidised by stealth with mortgage tax relief, road building and utilities infrastructure and the money flowed back in manufacturing and white collar jobs and taxes.
郊區不聲不響享受到的補貼包括抵押貸款稅收減免、道路建設和公共基礎設施，這些資金又通過創造製造業和白領工作崗位以及稅收等形式流回了政府手中。
In the UK the move started earlier, as London’s underground railway extended beyond the confines of the city into a countryside that would allow the English idyll of rural living.
在英國，從城市到郊區的遷移開始得更早，因爲倫敦的地鐵遠遠超出了城區範圍延伸到了郊區，而郊區可以讓英式田園牧歌般的鄉村生活成爲現實。
The key difference between US and UK suburbs was transport.
英美兩國郊區最主要的區別在於交通。
In Britain, they were located around bus, tube and train routes.
在英國，郊區分佈在公交、地鐵和火車線路周圍。
US suburbia was based on the car.
而美國的郊區則主要依賴汽車。
The atomisation of the auto-suburb did little for community or cohesion.
車輪上的郊區的社會原子化趨勢對於促進社區發展或者增強社區凝聚力幾乎毫無幫助。
Endless plots of detached houses echoed the homesteader’s dream of independent living but also created a landscape of social isolation.
一望無際的成片獨立房屋吻合了土地所有者獨立生活的夢想，但也導致了社會隔離的景象。
US suburbs often contain the wealth.
美國的郊區常有富人居住。
Downtown Detroit might appear an apocalyptic landscape but its suburbs provide the leafy surrounds and affluent homes of the executives who work in its glossy towers.
底特律的市中心或許呈現出一派世界末日般的景象，但底特律的郊區則有着樹木蔥鬱的環境和一戶戶富裕的人家，後者屬於那些在該市富麗堂皇的高樓中工作的企業高管們。
The suburbs of Paris, by contrast, are dominated by the landscape of alienation that is the banlieues.
與此形成鮮明對比的是，巴黎的郊區則充斥着城郊貧民區與世隔離的景象。
The pressing question, given the centrality of the suburb to the housing problem, is what can be done to make the suburbs better places, more efficient, more desirable.
鑑於郊區在住房問題中的核心地位，當前最緊要的問題是我們能做些什麼以使郊區變得更好，更加節能高效、適宜居住。
The solution will require the densification of the city fringes, says Ellis Woodman, director of London’s Architecture Foundation.
解決之道在於提高郊區的人口密度，埃利斯•伍德曼(Ellis Woodman)表示，他是倫敦建築基金會(Architecture Foundation)的主管。
The challenge is how you make them more than just dormitory villages.
當前的挑戰是，我們應如何讓郊區變得不僅僅是睡村？
The great value of residential property means other uses are being driven out.
住宅地產的巨大價值意味着，郊區的其他用途正在被擠出。
Densification means the intensification of use and density to make the suburbs more populous and efficient.
密集化意味着使用強度和密度的提升，以使郊區聚集更多人口，運轉效率更高。
That process carries with it destruction of qualities — greenery, privacy, space — that attracted people to the suburbs, but another way to look at it is that this is the nature of cities as they grow.
這一過程將導致生活品質的下降——例如體現在環境綠化、私密性和活動空間等方面——而生活品質正是吸引人們遷往郊區的原因，但從另一個角度來看，這一過程是城市發展中的自然現象。
The argument is that the suburbs should, effectively, be made more like the centre.
有人據此提出，郊區事實上應被打造得更像城市中心。
Mark Brearley, professor at the Cass School in London, suggests the future for the suburb rests in its High Street or Main Street.
倫敦卡斯商學院(Cass Business School)教授馬克•布萊爾利(Mark Brearley)指出，郊區的未來取決於其主要商業街或中心街道。
This can be an ideal for the future not just a residue from the past, he says.
這或許能成爲未來的一種理想狀態，而不僅僅是維持過去的樣子，他表示。
The mix of shops, services, small-scale manufacturing, garages and churches make it a perfect place for start-ups and a front window for the economy.
商店、服務業、小型製造業、汽車修理廠以及教堂的共存使郊區成爲初創企業安家的完美地點，也能爲整體經濟提供一扇窗口。
That, he suggests, is what attracts people from elsewhere, slowly making a place more urban and less suburban.
他指出，這正是把人們從其他地方吸引到郊區來的原因所在，與此同時也使這個地方逐漸褪去郊區氣息，變得愈加城市化。
In the UK, Croydon, to the south of London, has shown what can be done.
在英國，倫敦南部的克羅伊登(Croydon)已經展示了我們能夠做些什麼。
Designated in the 1960s as an overspill for London commerce, its centre was densified with towers in a way that was much derided yet has proved successful and adaptable.
該區是二十世紀六十年代爲容納倫敦過於擁擠的商業而創設的，高樓大廈密佈在克羅伊登中心地區，雖然這種模式曾經備受批評，但現已被證明爲是成功並適宜的。
It has some awful buildings but retains a sense of 1960s idealism which has served it well.
這裏有一些頗爲糟糕的建築，但保留了二十世紀六十年代的理想主義氣息，而這種理想主義給克羅伊登帶來了積極的影響。
Is a densified suburb a suburb? What of Kensington, Neuilly-sur-Seine or Nassau County, Long Island. They retain much of what made them desirable, yet have become absorbed into the city.
密集化的郊區還能被稱爲是郊區嗎？我們又應如何看待肯辛頓(Kensington)、塞納河畔納伊(Neuilly-sur-Seine)或者長島的拿騷縣(Nassau County)呢？這些地區保留了使它們變得適宜居住的許多元素，但它們已經被吸收爲了城市的一部分。
