美國副國務卿關於美中關係設想的演講

2009年9月24日，美國副國務卿詹姆斯•斯坦伯格（James B. Steinberg）以“本屆美國政府關於美中關係的設想”爲題在新美國安全中心（Center for a New American Security）發表主題演講。以下是演講的全文：

Administration's Vision of the U.S.-China Relationship
—Keynote Address at the Center for a New American Security
James B. Steinberg
Deputy Secretary of State
Washington, DC
September 24, 2009

本屆美國政府關於美中關係的設想
——在新美國安全中心發表主題演講
美國副國務卿詹姆斯•斯坦伯格
華盛頓哥倫比亞特區
2009年9月24日

Well, thank you, Nate, for that kind introduction.

納特，感謝你的熱情介紹。

It’s a great pleasure to be back and to be here at this CNAS event. It’s great to see, although I had no doubt about it, that CNAS is still thriving despite the Obama Administration’s best efforts to deprive you of each and every one of your leading lights. And every meeting I go to seems to be populated by so many of the good people – not only Kurt and Michele, obviously, but Jim Miller and so many others who made CNAS so successful, and the really remarkable achievement in such a short period of time that CNAS has become an indispensable feature on the Washington landscape, no mean feat with the number of competitors that you all have out here, including some that I used to work for. And I think that this study that you’re launching today really is a reflection of the continued critical role that CNAS plays in creative and timely work that you do.

我很高興能再次來到這裏參加新美國安全中心的這次活動。儘管奧巴馬政府不遺餘力地挖走了你們的每一位精英人物，但貴中心仍能蓬勃發展，我對此深爲讚佩，而且從未產生過懷疑。在我參加的每一次會議上，似乎都能見到貴中心如此衆多的博學多才之士——不僅有庫爾特和米歇爾，當然還有吉姆•米勒和其他很多幫助貴中心取得如此巨大成功的人士。貴中心在短時間內成爲華盛頓地區一個不可或缺的景觀，的確是一個可觀的成就，尤其是你們的競爭對手如林，我還爲其中一些機構工作過，能夠脫穎而出實爲不易。我認爲，今天你們發佈的這項研究報告確實體現了貴中心的工作富於創新，善於抓住時機，始終發揮着重要作用。

Obviously, as everyone in this audience knows, and we will be seeing a lot of it in the coming week or so, this year marks the 60th anniversary of the founding of the People’s Republic of China, which, of course, is part of the reason you scheduled this event now. As we think back on those 60 years, for about half of them – for about 30 – the relationship between the United States was not exactly the best, ranging from hostile at its worst, to nonexistent through much of the time.

當然，在座的各位都知道，我們下個星期還會看到很多有關活動，因爲今年是中華人民共和國成立60週年，這當然也是你們將本次活動安排在此時進行的原因之一。回顧這60年，其中一半時間——大約有30年——與美國的關係並不好，關係最緊張的時期相互敵對，有很長一段時期互不往來。

And so in some ways, from a policymaker’s perspective and from a U.S. perspective, the more significant and momentous anniversary is not so much the 60 years since the founding of the PRC, but the 30 years since the United States and China normalized relations under President Carter and Deng Xiaoping in 1979. And I think it’s not entirely coincidental that if you look for a date, that you could roughly time the rise of China and its remarkable transformation – it’s about that time as well that the rise began – part of which having to do with the bilateral relationship and obviously largely to do with decisions China made about its own internal developments.

因此，從某些方面講，從決策者的角度和美國的角度來看，意義更重大、影響更爲深遠的不是中華人民共和國成立60週年，而是美國和中國於1979年在卡特總統和鄧小平主政時期實現關係正常化30週年。我認爲，從時間上講，這個時期大約也是中國崛起並經歷巨大轉型的時期，這並不完全是巧合——中國的崛起大約從這個時候開始——兩國建立雙邊關係是原因之一，但在很大程度上顯然是中國根據本國國內形勢做出的決策。

I think it’s fair to say that despite – I know, the great ambitions and hopes of Kurt and Michele, I don’t think even they, perhaps, would have guessed how far CNAS has come. And in the same way, I think those who were present in 1979 probably could not imagine how far China has come in those 30 years. It’s really truly a remarkable story. And for those of us who have been visiting China over the years, it’s just amazing, each time you visit, how much change you see happening right before our eyes.

我認爲，可以恰當地說，儘管——我知道庫爾特和米歇爾才識過人，很有遠見，但我認爲即使他們可能也沒有預見到新美國安全中心能有如此良好的發展。同樣，我想人們在1979年可能也沒有想到中國30年來能取得如此長足的進步。這段歷程的確不同凡響。對於我們這些多年來經常訪問中國的人來說，每次去都會看到巨大的變化就出現在眼前，令人讚歎不已。

It is a remarkable period to reflect back on and the decisions that were made during that period and the transformation of the U.S.-China relationship, and the great insight that began with President Nixon and followed through by President Carter was the fundamental recognition that the long-term interests of the United States were better served not by trying to thwart China’s ambitions, but rather to explore the possibility of whether China could become a partner with the United States. And while the motivations for those decisions in the 1970s were largely rooted in the dynamics of the Cold War, when we were focused on getting Chinese help encountering the Soviet Union, it is even more important in today’s reality that we recall that basic insight.

回首這段不平凡的時期，重溫當時的種種決策和美中關係轉變的歷程及以尼克松總統爲開端，後由卡特總統實現的遠見卓識，人們從根本上認識到，更有利於美國長期利益的不是試圖挫敗中國的抱負，而是探求中國能否與美國結爲夥伴的可能性。儘管20世紀70年代的有關決策主要出於對冷戰形勢的考慮，因爲當時我們的重點是爭取中國的幫助制衡蘇聯，但面對今天的現實，重提上述基本認識甚至尤爲重要。

Secretary Clinton described that reality recently in her Council on Foreign Relations speech as a reality characterized by two inescapable facts, and I’m quoting her: “First, no nation can meet the world’s challenges alone,” and “Second, most nations worry about the same global threats.”

國務卿克林頓最近在對外關係委員會發表講話時談到，有兩種不可迴避的事實決定了今日之現實。她是這樣說的，“首先，沒有一個國家能單獨應對世界上各種挑戰”，“其次，大多數國家對共同的全球威脅感到擔憂”。In this world, and under those circumstances, the logic of international cooperation is overwhelming. Countries have a great deal to gain if we can work together, and much to lose if we don’t. But applying this insight to our relations with China poses a fundamental conundrum. Given China’s growing capabilities and influence, we have an especially compelling need to work with China to meet global challenges. Yet China’s very size and importance also raises the risk of competition and rivalry that can thwart that cooperation.

在當今世界上，鑑於目前的這種形勢，進行國際合作的理由極其充分。如果我們能夠合作，各國可受益匪淺，否則便將蒙受重大損失。但以這種認識處理我們同中國的關係，不免從根本上面臨兩難的局面。考慮到中國的實力和影響日益增強，我們尤爲迫切地需要同中國共同應對全球性挑戰。然而，中國自身的規模和重要地位也帶來了相互競爭與對抗的風險，結果有可能阻撓相互合作。

Now, you all know I’m a part-time academic and so I can’t resist this part of the speech, but historians since Thucydides have pointed to a long string of conflicts generated by the emergence of rising powers that disturb the old order and challenge the existing power structure and predict the same gloomy future for China’s rise. Political scientists and IR theorists talk darkly of security dilemmas that lead nations to take actions to protect their own security against potential adversaries, and that, by taking those actions, fuel the very conflicts they were hoping to avert.

各位都知道，我是半個學者，因此我忍不住要發表評論，因爲自修昔底德以來的歷史學家都指出大國的崛起會引發一系列衝突，結果打亂了舊秩序並對現有權力結構提出挑戰，因此中國的崛起也可能導致同樣暗淡的前景。政治學家和國際關係學者往往悲觀地談到，安全面臨的困境可導致各國採取行動保護自己的安全免受潛在敵人的威脅，但這類行動反過來又會爲他們原來希望避免的衝突推波助瀾。

These academic perspectives obviously have strong resonance in the political debates we hear not only in the United States, but in China today. So how do we square this circle? Adapting to the rise of China, as well as other emerging powers like India and Brazil, while protecting our own national interests. This, I believe, is one of the key strategic challenges of our time. And the key to solving it is what I would call strategic reassurance.

今天，這些學術觀點不僅在美國，而且在中國的政治討論中顯然都產生了強烈的迴響。我們怎樣才能解決這個難題呢？一方面需要保護本國的國家利益，另一方面也需要適應中國的崛起，適應印度和巴西等其他大國的崛起。我認爲，這是我們這個時代的重大戰略挑戰之一。而應對這個挑戰的關鍵就是我所說的戰略性保障。

Strategic reassurance rests on a core, if tacit, bargain. Just as we and our allies must make clear that we are prepared to welcome China’s “arrival”, as you all have so nicely put it, as a prosperous and successful power, China must reassure the rest of the world that its development and growing global role will not come at the expense of security and well-being of others. Bolstering that bargain must be a priority in the U.S.-China relationship. And strategic reassurance must find ways to highlight and reinforce the areas of common interest, while addressing the sources of mistrust directly, whether they be political, military or economic.

戰略性保障取決於一項關鍵的相互約定，或許也是一個不言而喻的條件。我們和我們的盟友必須明確表示，我們已準備好歡迎中國作爲一個繁榮昌盛的大國的“arrival”（到來），這裏借用你們的措辭，很貼切；中國也必須向全世界其他國家保證，中國的發展及其在全球日益增長的作用將不以其他人的安全和福祉爲代價。維護這項條件必須成爲美中關係的重點。戰略性保障必須通過各種途徑強調並增進存在共同利益的領域，同時直接消除導致相互不信任的根源，不論是在政治上、軍事上，還是在經濟上。

Now part of this reassurance comes from sustained dialogue. It’s important to recall, and Secretary Kissinger just reminded me of it a few days ago, that we began the new era of our relationship with China with some 25 hours of extended dialogue between Henry Kissinger and Zhou Enlai. And the importance of broad-ranging dialogue is at the core of our decision to elevate and broaden the strategic and economic dialogue between the United States and China. Part of achieving strategic reassurance comes from enhancing transparency.

戰略性保障在一定程度上可以通過持續對話得到實現。人們不應該忘記，幾天前基辛格國務卿也提醒我，當年亨利•基辛格（Henry Kissinger）與周恩來經過長達約25個小時的交談，我們纔打開了對華關係的新時代。進行廣泛對話的重要性是我們決定促進和拓寬美國與中國的戰略與經濟對話的核心。戰略性保障在某種程度上也可以通過提高透明度實現。

But if our efforts are truly to be successful, they must go beyond words to actions that reassure. We must each take specific steps to address and allay each other’s concerns. The first eight months of the Obama Administration, building on the important efforts of our predecessors – and I want to stress the importance of continuity in the U.S.-China relationship, which has brought us to this very important stage today – have provided solid evidence that there is a reason to believe that this approach can bear fruit.

爲了我們的努力切實獲得成功，不能只靠言辭，必須見諸於有保證的實際行動。我們必須各自採取具體步驟，處理和解決彼此關注的問題。在執政的前8個月，奧巴馬政府主要以前任進行的重大努力爲基礎——我需要強調保持美中關係連續性的重要意義，正因爲如此我們才能發展到今天這個重要階段——有力的事實說明，應該有理由相信這種方式能夠產生實效。

When Secretary Clinton traveled to China in February on her first trip as Secretary of State, she set out to demonstrate our commitment to this objective. When President Obama and President Hu met on the margins of the London G-20 in April, they pledged to work together to build a positive, cooperative, and comprehensive relationship for the 21st century. And we have seen in the subsequent meetings, including just the other day in New York and in the President’s planned visit to China, our determination to sustain this momentum.

今年2月，國務卿克林頓首次以國務卿的身份出訪中國，着重表明我們堅持這個目標的立場。今年4月，奧巴馬總統和胡主席在倫敦G-20峯會期間舉行會晤，雙方承諾爲建設21世紀的積極、合作、全面的關係共同努力。通過隨後的一系列會談，包括不久前在紐約舉行的會談以及總統擬定的中國之行，我們都看到我們決心在這個基礎上再接再厲。

Now the global financial crisis has offered a clear example – both the importance of the United States and China working together and the real benefits that come from that cooperation. China and the United States have implemented the two largest stimulus packages in history – coordinating them with one another and with other governments around the globe. And as China leads the way with renewed growth, the good news is not just that we are seeing the beginnings of a turnaround in much of the world, but we are also beginning to see a new effort to find greater global structures to assure that this doesn’t happen again. Just as we have said about getting our own house in order, China understands that it too must play its part by becoming a more important source of global consumption. There is a common commitment to putting growth on a stronger foundation, and we’ll see this in the discussions in Pittsburgh.

目前的全球金融危機爲美中兩國合作的重要性以及合作帶來的實際利益提供了明顯的例證。中國和美國實施了有史以來兩個規模最大的刺激經濟方案––兩國互相協調並與全球其他國家的政府互相協調。中國已率先恢復增長；令人欣慰的是，我們不僅看到世界許多地區正開始出現好轉，而且還開始看到，爲保證危機不再重演，人們正在進行新的努力，尋求更高層次的全球性機制。關於我們談到的恢復國內秩序的問題，中國認識到，中國必須盡其努力，成爲全球消費一個更重要的來源。共同的義務要求增長應有更堅固的基礎，我們將在匹茲堡的討論中看到這一點。

Of course, this effort takes more than just the combined efforts of the United States and China, and that’s why our global cooperation is so important. But without the United States and China working together effectively, the prospects of success would be much dimmer. We’re building towards the same kind of cooperation on addressing climate change, driven by the knowledge that the United States and China are the two biggest emitters of greenhouse gases. We in the United States acknowledge our historic responsibility for the emissions that have created the dangers of climate change, the indispensability of our taking strong actions here at home, and the need to accommodate China and other developing countries’ legitimate development goals.

當然，這方面的努力不僅要求美國和中國付出共同努力，所以我們的全球合作也非常重要。然而，沒有美國與中國的有效合作，成功的前景將會更暗淡得多。美國和中國認識到兩國是最大的溫室氣體排放國，爲此在氣候變化問題上相互合作，我們正逐步發展類似的合作。我們美國一方承認，廢氣排放造成了氣候變化的危害，對廢氣排放承擔着我們的歷史責任，因此應義不容辭地在國內採取有力的措施，同時也需要尊重中國和其他發展中國家合乎實際的發展目標。
At the same time, China is increasingly acknowledging that it must find a way to mitigate the climate effects of its continued development. A memorandum of understanding signed at the Strategic and Economic Dialogue demonstrated a joint commitment to expanding cooperation on low carbon growth and forging a successful international agreement on climate change, a task that we will pursue together in Copenhagen. And the statements of both President Obama and President Hu at the UN Climate Summit, I think, reinforced this sense of mutual commitment.

與此同時，中國也日益認識到，中國必須尋找方法，降低繼續尋求發展對氣候造成的影響。兩國在戰略與經濟對話期間簽署的諒解備忘錄表明了一項共同承諾，要求擴大在低碳增長方面的合作，同時在氣候變化問題上成功地達成一項國際協議，我們將在哥本哈根會議期間共同努力實現這項目標。我認爲，奧巴馬總統和胡主席在聯合國氣候問題首腦會議上發表的講話，進一步明確了這個共同承諾的精神。

Our cooperation has also been an essential in forging a common front in response to North Korea’s recent missile and nuclear tests. Working with our partners in the Six-Party Talks, we forged a unified position leading to a presidential statement after the missile test, and UN Security Council Resolution 1874 following the nuclear test. And since the adoption of that resolution, we have worked effectively together to implement strong measures, which we hope will lead to a resumption of Six-Party Talks and the North Koreans’ recommitment to complete denuclearization.

我們的合作還爲應對北韓最近的導彈及核試驗建立共同戰線具有重要意義。通過與六方會談的夥伴進行合作，我們達成了一致立場，隨後促成安理會在北韓進行導彈試射後發表主席聲明，另在北韓進行核試驗後，又通過了聯合國安理會第1874號決議。自從該決議通過以來，我們爲實施更強硬的措施進行了有效的合作，我們希望將有助於恢復六方會談，敦促北韓重新承諾無核化的義務。

Now, it will be important for us to demonstrate the same possibility of cooperation in dealing with Iran’s nuclear programs through the P5+1. China has also played an active role in fostering security and stability along its western border in Pakistan and Afghanistan, and I’m not just talking about the economic investments that China has made, such as the Aynak copper mine. It’s also played a role in training Afghans as well as Iraqis to diffuse landmines, and helping to work to encourage the Pakistan Government to step up its efforts against dangerous extremists.

同時，我們有必要表明，爲了通過五常加一（P5+1）的模式處理伊朗核計劃問題，應該有同樣的可能進行合作。中國還發揮了積極作用，加強與巴基斯坦及阿富汗接壤的西部邊界的安全與穩定。我所說的不僅是中國已進行的經濟投資，如對艾娜克（Aynak）銅礦的投資。中國還在訓練阿富汗人及伊拉克人如何排除地雷，併爲鼓勵巴基斯坦政府打擊危險的極端主義分子儘自己的努力。

China is demonstrating its willingness to play a constructive role in securing the global commons by contributing its destroyers to anti-piracy efforts off the Horn of Africa.

中國向非洲之角派出驅逐艦打擊海盜活動，表明願爲保障全球共同利益發揮建設性作用。We’ve worked together to address the threat of transnational terrorism, and China has begun to do more to support the international nonproliferation regime, starting by joining the Nuclear Suppliers Group. We continue to work and encourage China to enhance export controls and other measures, but it is clear that in recent years, China is increasingly sharing our concerns and beginning to assume greater responsibility for addressing them.

我們已爲消除跨國恐怖主義的威脅共同努力。中國以加入核供應國集團爲開端，開始爲支持國際不擴散體制付出更大的努力。我們繼續爲此進行努力，並鼓勵中國加強出口管制等措施。顯而易見的是，近年來中國正越來越多地與我們有着共同的關注，並開始爲解決這些問題承擔更大的責任。

Now, this growing list of areas of cooperation is impressive. But it is important that we neither overlook nor downplay the continued areas of mistrust and disagreement, many of which are highlighted in the volume that CNAS is launching today.

合作的領域不斷擴大令人讚歎。然而，必須認識到我們既不能忽視，也不能淡化繼續存在不信任和分歧的領域，貴中心今天發佈的報告重點談到了其中很多方面的問題。

Reassurance is especially critical when it comes to military activities. I think it’s timely that I came in just after the few words I heard of the previous panel. As China’s economy has grown and its global interests have expanded, its military spending has quite naturally increased, and its capabilities have been extended at sea, in the air, and in space. And in some cases, these enhanced capabilities have been coupled with actions, such as China’s over-broad assertion of its rights in the EEZs, that have caused the United States and China’s neighbors to question China’s intentions.

消除疑慮在軍事活動方面尤爲關鍵。我認爲，在聽了前面的一些討論後輪到我發言正是時候。隨着中國經濟的增長及其全球利益的擴展，其軍事開支也很自然地有所增加，中國在海上、空中和太空的實力都有所增強。在某些情況下，實力的增強還伴隨着相應的行動，中國要求對專屬經濟區行使權利的範圍過寬就是一個例子，已引起美國和中國的鄰國對中國的意圖提出質疑。

While China, like any nation, has the right to provide for its security, its capabilities and its actions also heighten its responsibility to reassure others that this buildup does not present a threat. That we have restarted high-level military-to-military dialogues is a positive step. And I’m hopeful that this will allow us to help resolve some of the ongoing tensions, for example, with respect to the South China Sea and the PLA Navy’s activities. These discussions between us must be stable and ongoing, not a stop-and-start conversation easily derailed by disagreement.

中國同其他任何國家一樣，有權保障自身安全，但其實力和行動也要求增強自身的責任，向其他國家承諾發展軍備不構成威脅。我們已經重啓高級別軍方對話，這是一項積極舉措。我希望這能有助於我們緩和目前的某些緊張狀況，例如南中國海問題和中國人民解放軍海軍部隊的活動。我們之間的這類磋商必須穩步、持續地進行，不應該輕易受到分歧的干擾，成爲時斷時續的對話。

We also are urging China to increase its military transparency in order to reassure all the countries in the rest of Asia and globally about its intentions, averting instability and tension in its own neighborhood. We’re encouraged by the positive dialogue between China and Taiwan, and we encourage both China and Taiwan to explore confidence-building steps that will lead to closer ties and greater stability across the Taiwan Strait.

我們還在敦促中國提高其軍事透明度，從而消除亞洲和全世界其他所有國家對其意圖的疑慮，避免其周邊地區出現不穩定和緊張狀態。我們對中國和臺灣之間的積極對話感到高興。我們鼓勵中國和臺灣都尋求有助於信心建設的措施，增強臺灣海峽兩岸的聯繫和穩定。

The risks of mistrust are especially acute in the arena of strategic nuclear weapons, space, and increasingly in the cyber realm. Achieving mutual reassurance in these areas is challenging, but as we learned during the Cold War, essential to avoiding potentially catastrophic rivalry and misunderstanding. Both sides need to devote creative thinking in how we might address these thorny challenges.

彼此不信任的風險在戰略核武器和太空領域尤爲嚴重，在網絡空間也日甚一日。在上述領域實現相互保障需要克服很多困難，但我們已從冷戰中汲取了教訓，深知這是避免災難性的對抗和誤解的關鍵。雙方都必須以創造性的思維考慮如何解決這些棘手的難題。

Resource competition is another area of concern. With its rapid growth and large population, China’s demand for resources, whether oil, gas, or minerals, is surging, but resource mercantilism is not the appropriate response. China’s moves in that direction have raised legitimate concern not only in the United States, but also among our other partners and among resource-rich developing nations.

資源競爭是另一個值得關注的領域。中國增長迅速、人口衆多，對油、汽和礦物資源的需求急劇上升，但資源重商主義不是適當的應對手段。中國的這種傾向已經引起了合理的關注，不僅來自美國，還來自我們的其他夥伴和資源豐富的發展中國家。

The problem is not just that China’s mercantilist approach disrupts markets; it also leads China to problematic engagement with actors like Iran, Sudan, Burma, and Zimbabwe, and undermines the perception of China as a country interested in contributing to regional stability and humanitarian goals.

問題不僅在於中國的重商主義傾向擾亂了市場，還在於這種行爲導致中國同伊朗、蘇丹、緬甸和津巴布韋等國進行有問題的接觸，破壞了中國作爲一個願爲地區穩定和人道主義目標做出貢獻的國家的形象。

The United States and China share an interest in stable and sustainable energy supplies. And far from seeing China as a competitor, we’re eager to enlist China to help in developing well-functioning markets and bolstering our common energy security in the years ahead. China must, in turn, demonstrate that it will be a constructive participant in its efforts rather than seeking to secure its own energy needs at the expense of others.

美國和中國在保障穩定的、可持續的能源供給方面擁有共同利益。我們決不會視中國爲競爭對手，同時還迫切希望爭取中國的幫助，以便今後建立正常運轉的市場並增進我們共同的能源安全。與此同時，中國必須表明，中國將作爲一個建設性的參與者進行努力，不會爲保障自己的能源需求而損害他人的利益。

Another area of frequent tension is our economic relationship. Our two-way trade and investment has benefited both of us enormously, and we both depend on it for our growth and prosperity. At the same time, it does create tension and misunderstanding. But that is why we have placed our economic relationship so central in our dialogue. And we’re making progress, for example, on a bilateral investment treaty while China takes steps to become a constructive member of the global economic architecture, including its membership in the WTO.

另一個往往導致關係緊張的領域是我們的經濟關係。我們的雙向貿易和投資使我們兩國受益匪淺，我們的增長和繁榮都有賴於此。但貿易也不免造成了關係緊張和誤解。這就是我們在兩國對話中如此重視雙方經濟關係的原因。我們正在這方面取得進展，例如雙方正努力達成一項雙邊投資協定，與此同時中國正採取步驟，爭取成爲WTO等全球經濟體系的一名建設性成員。

I want to say something about the recent dispute about tires. That dispute highlights some of the risks of our economic relationship, and there’s been no shortage of commentary warning of spiraling economic nationalism and a coming trade war. But it also is clear that this is a worst-case scenario, which is far from inevitable. We do disagree with the Chinese Government on the substance of this issue, which is why the President reached his decision, and we followed that decision with the imposition of a tariff.

我想談談最近發生的有關輪胎的爭端。這場爭端突出地反映了雙方經濟關係中的某些風險。有關經濟民族主義情緒不斷上升的預言和貿易戰一觸即發的評論數不勝數。但同樣很明確的是，這是一種最壞的估計，絕非不可避免。對於這個問題的實質，我們的確同中國政府持不同意見。因此，總統做出了他的決定，我們依照這項決定加徵了關稅。

But the important point is this all took place within the WTO framework accepted by the United States and China, as well as our own bilateral understandings. And I am convinced that both sides are intent on making sure that this particular disagreement does not spark a trade war or widespread protectionism. And if we succeed, it will be because we have established well designed avenues of cooperation and dialogue that allow us to handle these disputes in a broader context.

但重要的是，這都發生在美國和中國所接受的WTO的框架內，也沒有超出兩國雙邊諒解的範疇。我堅信，美中雙方都要求防止這一特定的分歧引發貿易戰或保護主義的蔓延。如果我們能夠做到這一點，那將歸功於我們已經建立的合作與對話的良好渠道，使我們能在全局之下處理這些爭端。

Now, some say that human rights have nothing to do with our strategic relationship, and therefore doesn’t belong in the list that I’m discussing today. Indeed, some in China have even argued that our interest in human rights and ethnic minorities and religious freedom is designed to weaken China and so inconsistent with the basic bargain I’ve been talking about. But I couldn’t disagree more.

有人說人權問題與我們的戰略關係毫不相干，因此不應在我今天討論的問題之列。不僅如此，中國有些人士甚至認爲我們關注人權、少數民族和宗教自由問題，用意在於削弱中國，因此與我一直在談的基本精神不符。對此我實在不敢苟同。

Of course we stand up for human rights because, as President Obama has said, it is who we are as a people. But we also believe that a China that respects the rule of law and universal norms provides reassurance to others that it will bring the same approach to its international behavior, as well as providing greater stability and growth for its own people.

毋庸置疑，我們捍衛人權，因爲正如奧巴馬總統所指出的，人權體現了我國人民的本質。但我們也認爲，一個尊重法制和國際慣例的中國可以打消別國的疑慮，相信中國能爲本國人民促進穩定和增長，同時在國際上也將採取同樣的行爲。

Now, strategic reassurance does not only apply to the relationship between China and the United States. Our partners, particularly in Asia, must have the same certainty that China’s expanding role will not come at the expense of their interests. And this not only requires that the United States bolster its own bilateral relationships, especially with key allies like Japan, South Korea and Australia, but also that we lead in updating and strengthening the regional and international institutions that shape the context in which China’s development occurs, so that change is constructive rather than destabilizing.

如今，戰略保障不僅涉及中美兩國關係。我們的合作夥伴，尤其是亞洲的合作伙伴必須能夠同樣確信，中國的作用日益強大，不至於以犧牲他們的利益爲代價。這不僅需要美國維護其本身與各國的雙邊關係，特別是與日本、韓國及澳大利亞等主要盟國的關係，而且需要我們發揮主導作用，改善和加強某些對中國實現發展的環境產生影響的地區性和國際性機制，使其變革具有建設性，而不至於導致不穩定。

In what President Obama calls this new era of engagement, we are refining and reinforcing regional cooperation in Asia, which is why Secretary Clinton recently announced our accession to the ASEAN Treaty of Amity and Cooperation. And along with developing new forums for regional dialogue and cooperation, we will stay committed to our key alliances. They are consistent with a vision of a peaceful, stable Asia that we and China share.

奧巴馬總統稱這個新時代是相互接觸的時代。我們正在調整和加強在亞洲的地區性合作。正是因爲如此，國務卿克林頓最近宣佈我國加入《東盟友好合作條約》。我們在爲地區性對話與合作發展新的渠道的同時，還將堅持維護與我們主要盟國的關係。這符合我們與中國關於亞洲和平穩定的共同構想。

When it comes to the international system, we must ensure that new powers like China – and there are others as well, of course – can take their rightful place at the table without generating fear or mistrust. That means making the institutions more inclusive so that they reflect the world of today, rather than the world of 1945 or the 1970s, and more effective so that we can collectively overcome the problems of interdependence. As we pursue these policies, we will be open to China’s growing role, but we will also be looking for signs and signals of reassurance from China. If China is going to take its rightful place, it must make those signals clear.

在涉及國際體系的問題上，我們必須確保中國這樣的新興大國，當然還有其他一些國家，能夠在交往中採取適宜的姿態，不至於引起恐懼或不信任。這要求促進有關機制的廣泛性，使其充分反映今日世界的實際，不再逗留在1945年或1970年代。這還要求提高這些機制的效果，有助於我們共同解決相互依賴帶來的問題。我們在採取這些政策的同時，將歡迎中國發揮日益重要的作用，但是也希望看到中國提供保障的跡象和表示。中國如果準備採取適宜的姿態，必須明確發出這些信號。

In the face of uncertainty, policymakers in any government tend to prepare for the worst to focus on the potential threat down the road, and of course, some of that is necessary. But we also have to make sure that by preparing for the worst, we don’t foreclose positive outcomes; that we leave ourselves open to the positive, and avoid the trap of self-fulfilling fears. Your volume quotes my predecessor Rich Armitage, “Nobody, including the leadership with China knows how it’s going to come out. If it comes out badly, this is bad for us; if it comes out well, it can benefit all of us. And that’s what we must dedicate ourselves to.” A wise man, that Deputy Secretary. (Laughter.)

面臨不確定的狀況，任何政府的決策者一般會做最壞的打算，高度警惕未來潛在的威脅。當然，在某些情況下，的確有必要這樣做。但是，我們還應該注意到，在做最壞的打算的同時，也不可忽視積極的結果；我們歡迎產生積極的結果，同時避免墜入自以爲是的驚恐。你們的報告援引我的前任裏奇•阿米蒂奇的話說：“任何人，包括中國領導層，都不能斷定將來的結局。結局如果不好，對我們也不利；結局如果很好，對大家都有利。我們必須爲此努力。”副國務卿是一位智者。(笑聲)

And as President Obama said at the opening of the SE&D, “I believe in a future where China is a strong, prosperous and successful member of the community of nations, a future where our nations are partners, not out of necessity, but also out of opportunity. This future is not fixed, but it is a destination that can be reached if we pursue a sustained dialogue like the one that you and we will commence today, and act on what we hear and what we learn.”

奧巴馬總統在戰略與經濟對話開幕式上指出：“我所相信的未來是：中國是國際社會強大、繁榮和成功的一員；屆時我們的國家將不僅是出於需要而且也是出於尋求機遇成爲合作的夥伴。未來並非一定如此，但是，如果我們堅持進行像今天即將開始的對話，並基於我們聽到和學到的內容行事，這應當是一個能夠達到的目標。”

We in the Obama Administration will uphold the United States’ side of this bargain. We are ready to accept a growing role for China on the international stage, and in many areas, we have already embraced it. China too needs to demonstrate the same commitment to doing its part – reassuring the United States, its neighbors in Asia, and the rest of the world that we have nothing to fear from a more influential China, that Beijing shares our vision of a new geopolitics of win-win solutions rather than zero-sum rivalries. With such strategic reassurance and a shared commitment to building an international system based on mutual trust, I have no doubt that we can succeed in our common interests, not just in common actions, and that will be a great benefit to us all. Thanks for your time, and I look forward to your questions.

奧巴馬政府將堅持美國在對話中採取的立場。我們準備接受中國在國際舞臺上發揮日益重要的作用。在許多領域，我們已經對此表示歡迎。中國也同樣有必要表明，中國將履行自己的義務，使美國、亞洲鄰國和全世界相信，我們不必對中國的影響擴大有任何疑慮，北京方面也認同我們有關地緣政治的新構想，要求以雙贏的方式解決問題，不再陷入你死我活的爭鬥。有了這一戰略性保障和建立以互信爲基礎的國際體系的共同承諾，我堅信我們不僅能成功地採取共同行動，而且能夠實現我們的共同利益。這對我們大家都大有裨益。謝謝諸位，現在我準備回答你們的提問。