潘基文世界人道主義日致辭稿

接下來由本站小編爲大家推薦潘基文世界人道主義日致辭稿，希望對你有所幫助!

Mr. President, thank you for your gracious introduction. We have an expression in the United States Senate where I served for many years when we want to say something personal, we say, permit me a point of personal privilege. I would like to introduce you to two of my family members who I’ve brought along with me, my daughter-in-law Kathleen Biden and my granddaughter Naomi Biden. Would you guys stand? (Applause.)

校長先生，謝謝你的親切介紹。我曾多年擔任美國參議員，在美國參議院，我們如果想提出個人看法，會採取一種表述方式，我們會說，請允許我提出一個個人特權問題。我想向你們介紹我帶來的兩位家人，我的兒媳凱瑟琳?拜登和我的孫女內奧米?拜登。你們兩個人請起立。(掌聲)

It would be more appropriate to say Naomi brought me along with her since she’s a budding Chinese speaker, been taking Chinese for five years, so I’ve been listening to her on the whole trip.

如果說內奧米把我帶到這裏來，也許更恰當，因爲她說中文已達到初級水平，她學了五年中文，我一路上都聽她的。

I want to again thank you very much. I had a wonderful few days in Beijing and a series of very positive and productive conversations with Chinese leaders. And I’m pleased to make my first visit to western China, which has played such an incredible, such an incredible role in this nation’s proud, proud history, and which today is the vanguard of Chinese -- China’s high-tech future.

我想再次向你們表示十分感謝。我在北京度過了非常愉快的幾天，與中國領導人進行了一系列非常積極和建設性的交談。我非常高興首次前來中國西部訪問。這個地區在貴國可引以爲驕傲的歷史上發揮了很了不起的作用，今天已成爲中國高科技未來的先鋒。

Two years ago, Sichuan province suffered one of the greatest natural disasters in China’s recent history. And the American people were inspired -- were inspired by the way you all came together to help one another during that crisis. And I’m absolutely amazed as I drive around the city, and I’ll be moving out into the province later, after this speech -- I’m amazed at how quickly you have rebuilt and you have recovered.

兩年前，四川省遭受了中國近代史上最嚴重的自然災害之一。你們在危機時刻同心同德、相互幫助的精神鼓舞了美國人民。我坐車經過成都各地時，感到萬分驚訝，晚些時候，在我演講完後，我還要去省裏的其他地方參觀——你們的重建和恢復如此迅速，實在令我驚歎。

The people of Chengdu, let me say simply that your hospitality has more than lived up to your reputation as the “land of abundance,” so again, thank you so very much for that hospitality.

簡而言之，成都人民，你們有“天府之國”的美譽，但你們的殷勤好客更令人感動。我再次對你們的熱情好客表示深切的感謝。

It’s also great to be here on a university campus. I also want to thank our host, the university which counts amongst its alumni some of the most illustrious figures in recent Chinese history, including Zhu De and Ba Jin, both of whom are -- one a literary icon; the other, one of the most illustrious figures, and a founding father of the republic.

來到大學校園，我感到很激動。我還要感謝接待我們的校方，在貴校的校友中有一些中國近代史上最傑出的人物，包括朱德和巴金，一位是文學巨匠;另一位是最傑出的人物之一，共和國的一位開國元老。

I’m also pleased to be joined today by -- he’s already been introduced -- but by our ambassador, our new ambassador Gary Locke whose grandfather came to the United States from Canton in the 1890s and toiled as a house servant in the United States in exchange for being able to get English language lessons. In less than two generations -- two generations later, Gary Locke, his grandson, has served as the governor of his home state of Washington, the U.S. Secretary of Commerce and the chief of mission in one our most important diplomatic posts in the world.

今天，我也非常高興有——他已被介紹過了——我們的大使，我們的新任大使駱家輝在場。他的祖父在19世紀90年代從廣東來到美國，通過幫傭換取上英文課的機會。在不到兩代人的時間裏——經過兩代人，他的孫子駱家輝曾擔任他所在的華盛頓州的州長、美國商務部長，現在又來到我國在全世界最重要的外交崗位之一擔任使團負責人。

I share this story with you not because it’s unique, but because it is uniquely American. While not every child or grandchild of an immigrant will reach the pinnacle of society as Ambassador Locke has, America continues to put such possibilities within reach of all those who seek our shores.

我與你們分享他的經歷，並不是有什麼其他原因，而是因爲這是美國的獨特之處。雖然並非外來移民的每一個子女或後代都能像駱家輝那樣到達社會的頂層，但美國始終促使所有尋求移民美國的人都有可能做到這一點。

On my first visit to China, which was more than 30 years ago when I was a young United States senator in 1979, I was with the first delegation of congressional leaders to visit China after normalization. We had several days of business with then Vice Premier Deng Xiaoping. It was a very different country then, but what was absolutely clear to me was that China was on the cusp of a remarkable transformation.

在30多年前的1979年，我還是一個年輕的美國參議員，當時曾隨美中關係正常化後的第一個國會領導人訪華代表團首次前來中國訪問。我們同當時的副鄧小平開展了幾天的公務活動。當時的中國與今天大不相同，但對我來說已經絕對明確的是，中國正處於天翻地覆的大變革的最前沿。

Changes were just getting underway. My first introduction here in Sichuan that would begin transforming a largely agrarian society into an engine of economic global and help lift hundreds of millions of people out of poverty was -- seemed to me clear at the time. That first visit came amid a debate in the United States of America similar to the one that exists today about how to view China’s emergence. Let me be clear -- let me be clear: I believed in 1979 and said so and I believe now that a rising China is a positive development, not only for the people of China but for the United States and the world as a whole.

當時，變革剛剛開始。根據我最初瞭解到的四川的情況，當時將開始一個把基本上以農業爲主的社會改造成世界經濟的一個引擎，並使億萬人民擺脫貧困的進程——當時，我已清楚地看到這一點。我第一次訪華時，美國正在開展一場類似今天正在進行的有關如何看待中國崛起的辯論。讓我明確表示——讓我明確說明這一點：我在1979年相信並這麼說過，我現在仍然相信，中國的崛起是一種積極的發展，不僅對中國人民是如此，對美國和整個世界也是如此。

A rising China will fuel economic growth and prosperity and it will bring to the fore a new partner with whom we can meet global challenges together. When President Obama and I took office in January of 2009, we made our relationship with China a top priority. We were determined to set it on a stable and sustainable course that would benefit the citizens of both our countries. Our Presidents have met nine times since then, including very successful state visits in Beijing and Washington, and have spoken numerous times by telephone.

中國的崛起將促進經濟增長和繁榮，帶來一個可共同應對全球挑戰的新夥伴。2009年1月, 奧巴馬總統和我就職時，我們將與中國的關係當作一項優先要務。我們決心使美中關係沿着穩定、可持續的軌道前進，造福於我們兩國人民。自那時以來，我們兩國的元首已舉行過九次會晤，包括分別對北京和華盛頓非常成功的國事訪問和多次通話。

Direct discussions between senior policymakers and the personal ties that result from such discussions in my view over the last 35 years of conducting foreign policy are the keys to building cooperation. They're built on understanding. They allow us to better understand each other and allow us to define our interests in ways that are clear so that each one of us know what the other country’s interests are, and to see the world through the eyes of the other with the intention of preventing miscommunications and misconceptions that tend to fuel mistrust.

憑我過去35年搞外交政策的經驗，我認爲高層決策者之間的討論以及由此發展的個人關係是建立合作的關鍵。它們是建立在理解基礎上。它們讓我們更好地瞭解對方，讓我們能夠明確我們的利益，使我們每個人都知道對方國家的利益是什麼，並且能夠站在對方的角度看世界，避免往往會導致不信任的溝通失誤和誤解。

With that goal in mind, we have worked very hard to develop our cooperative partnership through more than 60 separate dialogues on issues of matter to both China and to the United States; and I would suggest to the world as a whole.

抱着這個目標，我們一直非常努力地發展我們的合作伙伴關係，展開了60多項專題對話，討論事關中國和美國的問題，我可以說也事關整個世界。

The premier forum is what we refer to as the Strategic and Economic Dialogue which brings together policymakers from across both governments to discuss a range of issues from trade barriers to climate change. But we also recognize -- we also recognized immediately on starting that the importance more directly addressing security issues, as well. That's why in May we jointly launched the first Strategic Security Dialogue, a new channel for civilian and military leaders to discuss sensitive topics, including cyber and maritime security. That's why it’s also important that our military leaders work together, get to know one another -- not just our political leaders, but our military leaders -- as Admiral Mullen and General Chen have begun to do in their recent exchange of meetings.

我們所說的戰略與經濟對話是一個主要論壇，它彙集了來自兩國政府各部門的決策者，討論從貿易壁壘到氣候變化的一系列問題。但我們也認識到——我們一開始也立即認識到更直接解決安全問題的重要性。這就是爲什麼在5月我們共同啓動了第一個戰略安全對話，一個爲文職和軍方領導人討論敏感議題的新渠道，包括網絡和海上安全。這就是爲什麼我們的軍方領導人也必須一道努力，互相瞭解——不僅是我們的政治領導人，還有我們的軍方領導人——馬倫海軍上將和陳炳德將軍在最近的交流會上已開始這樣做。

The fact is China and the United States face many of the same threats and share many of the same objectives and responsibilities. But because we sometimes view threats from different perspectives -- that is China and the United States view them from different perspectives, our -- or favor a different way in dealing with what we perceive to be joint threats, our generals should be talking to each other alongside with our diplomats, as frequently as our diplomats do. Like China, the United States has a huge stake in the prosperity and stability of Asia and the Pacific.

事實是，中國和美國面臨許多同樣的威脅，並具有許多相同的目標和責任。但是，因爲我們有時從不同角度看待威脅——即中國和美國從不同的角度看這些威脅——或者我們喜歡用一種不同的方法處理我們所認爲的共同威脅，我們的將軍應該互相通話，和我們的外交官一道，並且像我們的外交官那樣經常進行。和中國一樣，美國在亞洲和太平洋地區的繁榮和穩定上都有重大利益。

I look forward to visiting two other Asian nations on this trip. When I leave China, I’ll go to Mongolia and then to Japan. The United States -- and I realize this occasionally causes some discomfiture -- but the United States is a Pacific power, and we will remain a specific power -- a Pacific power.

我期待着在此行中訪問另外兩個亞洲國家。我離開中國後將去蒙古，然後到日本。美國——我知道這偶爾會導致一些困惑——但美國是一個太平洋大國，我們將繼續是一個特定的大國——太平洋大國。

Over the last 60 years, no country has done more than we have to ensure the stability and security of the Asian-Pacific region. And I’d respectfully suggest that has been good for China, allowing China to focus on domestic development and to benefit from a growing market.

在過去60年裏，在保證亞太地區的穩定和安全上，沒有任何國家比我們做得更多。我謹要指出，這給中國帶來了好處，使中國能夠把重點放在國內發展，受益於不斷擴大的市場。

America’s focus on this critical region will only grow in the years to come as Asia plays an even greater role in the global economy and international affairs.

美國對這一關鍵地區的重視在未來的歲月裏只會增長，因爲亞洲在全球經濟和國際事務中發揮越來越大的作用。

As President Obama said in Tokyo during his first visit to Asia as President, and I quote: “The United States of America may have started as a series of ports and cities along the Atlantic Ocean, but for generations, we have also been a nation of the Pacific. Asia and the United States are not separated by this great ocean, we are bound by it.”

正如奧巴馬總統作爲總統第一次訪問亞洲時在東京所說，我援引他的話：“美利堅合衆國雖然發源於大西洋沿岸的一系列港口和城市，但我們世世代代始終是一個太平洋國家。亞洲和美國並沒有被太平洋阻斷，而是被太平洋聯繫在一起。”

That's why we’ve begun this dialogue, this Asia-Pacific Dialogue on issues -- to expand cooperation in the region where we both live and operate.

這就是爲什麼我們開始了這場對話，即關於諸多問題的亞太對話——擴大在我們雙方生活和運作的這個地區的合作。

Let me give you another example of our security cooperation. The United States and China are also working as international -- with international partners to counter the threat posed by the spread of nuclear weapons, materials and technology, so called nonproliferation. Along with 46 other world leaders, President Hu honored us by joining President Obama and me at the Nuclear Security Summit in April of last year, and our nations are now collaborating on a center for excellence to provide nuclear security in China.

讓我再舉一個我們安全合作的例子。美國和中國也進行國際的——與國際合作夥伴一道，對抗核武器、核材料和技術擴散所造成的威脅，即所謂的防擴散。與46個其他世界領導人一道，我們榮幸地請到胡錦濤與奧巴馬總統和我一起出席了去年4月舉行的核安全峯會，我們兩國正在就一個示範中心進行合作，爲中國提供核安全。

In my discussions with Vice President Xi this week, I said we have to deepen our conversations on the world’s two primary nuclear proliferating challenges: North Korea and Iran. I know that China shares our concerns, but some of you may wonder why our focus -- the focus of the United States is so intense. The reason is clear: If armed with nuclear weapons on long-range missiles, North Korea and Iran would pose a direct and serious threat to the security of the United States of America and our allies. It would present an existential threat. That is why -- that is why we’ve been working with China and our international partners to maintain peace and stability on the Korean peninsula and to achieve a complete denuclearization of North Korea. And it is why as the Iranian government continues its illicit nuclear program, we have worked with a range of partners and international institutions to enact the toughest sanctions that Iran has ever faced.

在本週與副主席的討論中，我表示，我們必須加深對世界上兩個主要的核擴散挑戰的對話：北韓和伊朗。我知道，中國和我們一樣擔心，但你們有些人可能會問爲什麼我們的重視——美國的重視是如此強烈。原因很清楚：如果有了配備核武器的遠程導彈，北韓和伊朗將對美國和我們盟友的安全構成直接和嚴重的威脅。這將是對存在的威脅。這就是爲什麼——這就是爲什麼我們一直與中國和我們的國際夥伴合作，維持朝鮮半島的和平與穩定，實現北韓的完全無核化。這也是爲什麼隨着伊朗政府繼續其非法的核計劃，我們與諸多合作伙伴和國際機構合作，對伊朗實施它所面臨的最嚴厲的制裁。

Without vigilant implementation of these sanctions, Iran will evade the consequences of the actions and diplomacy will not be effective in stopping their nuclear program. So we will continue to look to China to send a clear message to Iranian leaders through its words and its deeds that they, Iran, must live up to their international obligations.

如果不以高度的警覺採取這些制裁，伊朗將會逃避其行動的後果，外交也無法有效地阻止其實施核計劃。因此，我們將繼續期待中國通過言詞和行動向伊朗領導人發出明確的信號，敦促伊朗必須履行其國際義務。

There are many other security challenges that the United States and China share. From Afghanistan, to Pakistan, to the Sudan -- and we have been and will continue to discuss our mutual interests and concerns. Continuing to develop our security dialogue and cooperation is the surest way to meet these joint challenges.

美中兩國還面臨着許多其他共同的安全挑戰。從阿富汗、巴基斯坦到蘇丹--我們已經並將繼續討論我們的共同利益和共同關心的問題。繼續推進我們的安全對話與合作是迎接這些挑戰的最可靠的途徑。

Economic issues -- to state the obvious -- have been a particular focus of our nations’ growing cooperation. Together, we’re working to promote economic growth that is strong, sustainable and balanced, and trade that is free and fair.

經濟問題無疑是我們兩國日益加強合作特別強調的重點。我們正攜手努力促進強勁、可持續且平衡的經濟增長並推行自由和公平的貿易。

Trade and investment between our countries are growing rapidly in both countries, in both directions, creating jobs and economic opportunities in both countries.

我們兩國的貿易和投資正在兩國間雙向迅速發展，爲兩國創造就業機會和經濟機會。

We often hear about Chinese exports to the United States, but last year American companies in America exported $110 billion worth of goods and services to China, supporting hundreds of thousands of jobs in America. The American people and the Chinese people are hopefully -- are becoming aware that it’s in our mutual interest in each of our countries to promote that exchange.

我們常聽說中國向美國出口產品，但去年美國國內公司向中國出口了價值1,100億美元的商品和服務，維持了美國成千上萬的工作崗位。希望美國人民和中國人民日益認識到，促進這一交流符合我們兩國的共同利益。

A more prosperous China will mean more demand for American-made goods and services and more jobs back home in the United States of America. So our desire for your prosperity is not borne out of some nobility. It is in our self-interest that China continue to prosper.

一個更繁榮的中國將意味着對美國製造的商品和服務的需求增加，意味着美國國內就業機會增多。因此，我們希望你們繁榮，這不是因爲出於某種崇高的目的;中國繼續繁榮，符合我們自身的利益。

Every day it becomes clear that as the world’s two largest economies with ever growing ties of investment and commerce, what you do matters to us and matters to the American people. And what we do matters to you and to the people of China. To state it bluntly, we have a stake in one another’s success.

每一天都顯而易見的是，作爲世界兩個最大經濟體，隨着投資和商務日益密切，你們所做的關係到我們，關係到美國人民。我們所做的關係到你們，關係到中國人民。簡言之，我們任何一方的成功，對彼此利益攸關。

Just as putting America’s fiscal policy on a long-term sustainable path is important not only to the United States but to China, to China’s economy, shifting China economy, which the 12th five-year plan calls for, to rely more heavily on consumer demand in China is not only important to China, but it’s important to the United States of America.

美國的財政政策保持在長期可持續的軌道上，不僅對美國，而且對中國、中國經濟具有重要意義;同樣，中國經濟按第12個五年計劃的要求，向更多地依賴國內消費需求轉型，不僅對中國，而且對美國具有重要意義。

As Chinese leaders have told me, this five-year plan will require them to take a number of steps including continuing their effort to move toward a more flexible exchange rate. It’s in China’s interest, but it’s also overwhelmingly in the interest of the United States.

中國領導人曾對我所說，這個五年計劃將要求他們採取一些措施，其中包括繼續努力實現更靈活的匯率。這符合中國的利益，同時也完全符合美國的利益。

In this time of uncertainty in global -- in the global economy, it is all the more important that we take the difficult but necessary steps together and along with our G20 partners continue to sustain the global recovery and create jobs and prosperity. We’re the two biggest engines in the world to be able to do that. As I said in May, when I opened the annual Strategic and Economic Dialogue in Washington, I said, “For many of the world’s most pressing challenges, it is a simple fact that when the United States and China are not at the table, the solution to the problem is less possible.”

在目前全球經濟動盪的時期，我們更應該共同採取艱難但必要的措施，並與我們的20國集團夥伴一道，繼續維持全球復甦，創造就業機會和繁榮。我們作爲全世界兩個最大的發動機，能夠做到這一點。今年5月，我在華盛頓每年一度的戰略與經濟對話開幕式上表示，“就全世界大部分的緊迫挑戰而言，如果沒有美中兩國參與，解決問題的可能性就比較低，這已是不言而喻的事實。”

But even as we cooperate, the United States and China also will compete, and competition is healthy. We will compete in global politics and global economics. And also -- also it is a feature of global politics and economics. It’s also a feature of human nature to observe others, to consider how they measure up, to strive to be the best, that's good for both of us. Genuine competition pushes companies, our companies and our people to perform better, and we should reject the misplaced notion of the zero-sum game in which everything one nation achieves somehow comes at the expense of the other. It is the opposite.

然而，即便是在我們合作之際，美中兩國仍還將相互競爭，競爭是有益的。我們將在全球政治和全球經濟領域進行競爭。這也是全球政治與經濟的一大特點。這也是人類的本性，通過互相觀察瞭解如何適應形勢，爭取最好的成績，這對我們雙方都很有益。真正的競爭促使公司，我們的公司和我們的人民更趨完善。我們應該放棄零和遊戲的錯誤理念，不能認爲一國取得的一切成就意味着另一國的損失。事實並非如此。

So make no mistake, America not only welcomes this healthy competition; competition is stitched into the very fabric of our society and our economic system. And while I may be a little biased, I have overwhelming confidence in the capability of the American people to compete on a level playing field with any nation and any peoples in the world.

因此，毫無疑問，美國不但歡迎這種良性競爭，而且競爭是我們的社會和我們的經濟體制根本結構的組成部分。儘管我可能有點偏向，但我對美國人民在一個公平競爭環境中與世界上任何國家和任何民族競爭的能力抱有絕對的信心。

But for this competition to benefit us both, it must take place on a level playing field with rules that are clear and treat all countries fairly and equally. Although the United States and China are working hard to get this right, we still face obstacles of doing business in each other’s countries. That's why I acknowledged on this trip the United States should undertake to make it easier for Chinese business people to obtain visas to travel to the United States. It takes much too long for that to happen. That’s not in our interest.

但要使這種競爭給我們雙方都帶來利益，競爭就必須是在一個公平競爭的環境中進行，要有明確的、對所有國家都公平與一視同仁的規則。雖然美國和中國正在努力爭取達到這點，但我們仍然面臨着在對方國家裏從事商務的障礙。正因爲如此，我在這次行程中承認美國應採取措施，使中國商務人員能夠更方便地獲得赴美國旅行簽證。簽證花費時間太長。這不符合我們的利益。

And while we are in the midst -- also it’s the reason why the President once he took office ordered for the first time in decades, ordered -- we’re in the midst of a total reform of our export control system. Already, we have made thousands of new items available for export to China for exclusive civilian use that were not available before, some of which require a license, while others don't. And tens of thousands of more items will become available very soon.

雖然我們還在進行——這也是爲什麼奧巴馬總統剛一就職便下令，幾十年來第一次下令——我們正在進行我國出口管制制度的總體改革。我們已經向中國開放了旨在完全用於民用目的的數千種過去不允許出口的新產品，其中有些需獲得許可證，有些則不需要。還有成千上萬種更多的產品很快將獲得出口許可。

That's a significant change in our export policy and a rejection of those voices in America that say we should not export that kind of technology to -- for civilian use in China. We disagree, and we’re changing.

這是我們出口政策的一項重大變化，是對美國某些人的意見的否定。他們認爲，我們不應該出口那一類技術——供中國民用。我們不同意這種看法，我們正在改革。

But it’s also why we are troubled when American investors are prohibited from having wholly owned, fully owned subsidiaries of their own company in many sectors in China and excluded from sectors, entirely excluded from competing in other sectors; restrictions that no other major economy in the world imposes on us or anyone else so broadly. That's why we have pushed Chinese officials to protect intellectual property rights. We have welcomed the Chinese State Council’s recent campaign to enforce intellectual property rights, a commitment that President Hu made when he visited and he’s keeping. But the effort must be strengthened and extended.

但也正因爲如此，一些情況令我們不安：美國的投資者在中國的許多行業中被禁止擁有自己的獨資公司和獨資分公司;在另一些行業，在其他行業完全被排斥在競爭之外;還有一些世界其他主要經濟體不曾強加於我們或其他任何人的、範圍如此之廣的種種限制。正因爲如此，我們積極要求中國官員保護知識產權。我們歡迎中國國務院最近的保護知識產權運動，這是胡錦濤訪問美國時作出的一項承諾，他在履行這一承諾。但這項努力必須得到加強和延伸。

According to the International Trade Commission, American companies lose $48 billion a year and tens of thousands of jobs because of pirated goods and services. These protections -- intellectual property protections not only benefit the United States and United States workers, United States companies, but I would argue Chinese companies, as well, as they increasingly seek to safeguard their own creations.

根據國際貿易委員會的統計，美國企業因盜版商品和服務每年損失480億美元和數萬個工作崗位。這些保護——知識產權的保護不僅有利於美國和美國工人、美國公司，而且我認爲也有利於中國的公司企業，因爲他們會越來越力爭保護自己的創新成果。

You’re here at this great university. It’s very much in your interest that intellectual property be protected because some of you are the future artists, the future entertainers, the future innovators who will want to be able to have a market for what you do. But if it can be acquired cheaply and pirated, why would anybody pay you for the same service?

你們在這所優異的大學求學。保護知識產權十分符合你們的利益，因爲你們中的一些人將成爲未來的藝術家、未來的娛樂界人員、未來的發明家，將希望自己的勞動成果有市場。但如果那一切可以廉價地獲取和剽竊，憑什麼還會有人向你們購買同樣的服務呢?

America’s focus on global security, free trade and economic fairness is longstanding. Since the end of World War II, we’ve helped build an international system that promotes peace and stability, gives all states the opportunity to share in global prosperity and provides rules to protect the basic human rights of all citizens.

美國對全球安全，自由貿易和經濟上公平的關注是長期的。自第二次世界大戰結束以來，我們幫助建立了一個國際體系，它促進和平與穩定，使所有國家有機會分享全球繁榮，並制定保護所有公民基本人權的規則。

China’s tremendous progress in my view can be attributed to the industriousness and talent of the Chinese people, as well as its leadership. But it was made possible, I respectfully suggest, by an international architecture that promoted stability and prosperity and enables upward mobility for all countries. I know that many Chinese and probably many of you students believe that your nation will continue on a path of greater prosperity. I agree that it will. That is my view, my prediction. But I also know that some of you are skeptical about America’s future prospects.

在我看來，中國的巨大進步可歸功於中國人民的勤勞與智慧及其領導人的能力。但我謹要指出，一個促進穩定與繁榮、使所有國家能夠發展提高的國際架構使這個成就成爲可能。我知道，許多中國人、你們學生中可能有許多人相信，你們的國家將繼續走向更加繁榮。我同樣認爲是這樣。這是我的看法、我的預測。但我同時知道，你們當中有些人對美國未來的前景持懷疑態度。

With that in view, I would like to suggest that I respectfully disagree with that view and will allay your concerns. Let me put this in perspective so you can understand why the American people are also confident about their future. America today is by far the world’s largest economy with a GDP of almost $15 trillion, about two and a half times as large as China’s, the second largest; with a per-capita GDP which is more than $47,000 -- 11 times that of China’s. I’ve read that some Chinese are concerned about the safety of your investments in American assets. Please understand, no one cares more about this than we do since Americans own 87 percent of all our financial assets and 69 percent of all our treasury bonds, while China owns 1 percent of our financial assets and 8 percent of our treasury bills respectively.

因此，我希望指出，我尊重但不同意這種見解，讓我解釋一下爲什麼你們不必憂慮。我將提供一些背景信息，以便你們瞭解爲什麼美國人民也對自己的未來抱有信心。今天，美國是世界上最大的經濟體，遠遠超過任何其他國家，國內生產總值(GDP)近15萬億美元，大約相當於排在第二位的中國的兩倍半;人均國內生產總值4.7萬多美元，是中國的11倍。我瞭解到有些中國人擔心投資美國資產的安全。請理解，沒有誰比我們更關心這種狀況，因爲美國人持有我們全部金融資產的87%以及我們全部國債的69%，而中國持有我們的金融資產和國債比例分別爲1%和8%。

So our interest is not just to protect Chinese investment. We have an overarching interest in protecting the investment, while the United States has never defaulted -- and never will default.

所以我們的利益不僅在於保護中國的投資，保護投資還關係到我們的總體利益。另外，美國從來沒有違約——將來也永遠不會違約。

I also have confidence in the fundamentals of our economy. Vice President Xi said it best I think when he told a group of Chinese and American business leaders with whom we met the day before yesterday, and I quote him, he said, “the U.S. economy is highly resilient and has a strong capacity to repair itself.” He is right. I believe America is even better equipped to compete in the economy of the future than it was of the economy of the past. In the 20th century, the wealth of nation was primarily measured by the abundance of its natural resources, the expanse of its landmass, the size of its population and the potency of its army. But I believe in the 21st century, the true wealth of a nation will be found in the creative minds of its people and their ability to innovate -- to develop the technologies that will not only spawn new products, but create and awaken entire new industries. The United States is hardwired for innovation. It’s part of our DNA from our earliest days. It has enabled generation after generation of Americans to give life to world-changing ideas -- from the cotton gin, to the airplane, to the microchip, to the Internet, to the world-leading companies like General Electric, Ford, Microsoft and Google. And I could go on and on.

我對我國經濟的基本面也有信心。在這一點上，我認爲習總書記講得非常好。前天我們會見中美商界領袖時，他說：“美國經濟極富韌性，且有很強的自我修復能力。”他說得對。我相信，在未來的經濟競爭中，我們的準備甚至勝過以往。在20世紀，衡量國家財富的主要尺度是自然資源的豐裕程度、國土幅員、人口規模和軍事力量。但我認爲在21世紀，一個國家的真正財富在於國民的創造性思維和創新能力——開發的技術不僅催生新產品，而且能夠創造和喚起全新的產業。美國的創新能力與生俱來。從一開始，它就是我們遺傳基因的一部分。它使一代又一代美國人構想出改變世界的創意——從軋棉機到飛機，從微芯片到互聯網，再如通用電氣、福特、微軟和谷歌等世界領先的公司。這樣的例子不勝枚舉。

These accomplishments were made possible not because there’s anything unique about an American. It’s hard to define what an American is. Shortly, 50 percent of the American population -- less than 50 percent will be of European stock. So we are the most -- we are an incredibly heterogeneous nation. That's part of our strength. That's part of the boundless capacity of the American people. But it’s also because of the enduring strength of our political and economic system and the way we educate our children, a system that welcomes immigrants from across the globe who enrich our national fabric and revitalize our diverse multi-ethnic society. And I would point out, we are still the destination where most people in the world seek to come. People usually don't seek to come to a nation in decline.

我們之所以能夠取得這些成就，不是因爲美國人具有種獨一無二的特質。很難界定美國人是什麼樣的人。簡言之，50%的美國人口——不足50%的人口是歐洲人後裔。所以我們的國民具有難以置信的多樣性。這是我們實力的一部分，也是美國人民無窮創造力的一部分。不過也有其他原因——我們的政治經濟體制和我們教育孩子的方式具有經久不衰的力量。這種體制歡迎來自全球各地的移民，讓我們的國家更加豐富多彩，爲我們多元的跨種族社會增添活力。我還想指出，我們現在仍是世界第一的移民目的地。人們通常不會尋求遷移到衰落中的國家。

A system that trains students not merely to learn and accept established orthodoxy, but to challenge orthodoxy, challenge their professors, challenge the ideas put forward to them, encourage individual thought and innovation; a system that not only tolerates free expression and vigorous debate, including between citizens and their government, but celebrates and promotes those exchanges; a system in which the rule of law protects private property, provides a predictable investment climate, and ensures accountability for the poor and wealthy alike; and a system with universities that remain -- notwithstanding, and this is a great university -- the ultimate destination for scholars from around the world. More than 130 thousand students from China attended our universities last year. We’re hoping that number will be even larger.

這種體制訓練學生不僅學習和接受傳統知識，而且挑戰傳統知識，挑戰他們的教授，挑戰他們聽到的觀點，鼓勵個人思考和創新;這種體制不僅容許自由表達和積極辯論，包括公民和政府之間的辯論，而且讚賞和促進這種交流;這種體制的法律保護私有財產，提供可預期的投資環境，確保窮人和富人都承擔責任;這種體制的大學依然是世界各地學者的最終目的地——當然，你們的學校也是一所了不起的大學。去年有13萬多名中國學生就讀我們的大學。我們希望這個數字進一步增加。

China has followed a very different economic and political path to prosperity, enhancing some aspects of a free-market system, while resisting political openness and maintaining the state’s deep involvement in economic affairs. That's a decision for you to make.

中國選擇了非常不同的經濟和政治道路邁向繁榮，增強了自由市場體系的某些方面，同時抵制政治上的開放，保持國家對經濟事務的深度干預。這是你們做出的決定。

Maybe the biggest difference in our respective approaches are our approaches to what we refer to as human rights. I recognize that many of you in this auditorium see our advocacy of human rights as at best an intrusion, and at worst an assault on your sovereignty. I want to tell you directly that this is not our intention. Yes, for Americans there is a significant moral component to our advocacy. And we observed where we have failed, as well. But it is who our people are.

我們雙方選擇的路徑的最大差異大概是我們對於什麼是人權的認識。我認識到，在今天在坐的許多人看來，我們倡導人權的行動往好處說是多管閒事，往壞處說是侵犯你們的主權。我想直率地對大家說，這不是我們的意圖。是的，對於美國人來說，我們的民主有明顯的道義成分。我們也關注我們自己沒有做好的地方。這種關注反映了美國人民的本質。

But President Obama and I see protecting human rights and freedoms, we see it in a larger context, as well. Protecting freedoms such as those enshrined in China’s international commitments and in China’s own constitution -- we see them as a key aspect of China’s successful emergence and the key continued growth and prosperity. I know that some in China believe that greater freedom could threaten economic progress by undermining social stability. I do not pretend to have the answer, but I believe history has shown the opposite to be true, that in the long run, greater openness is a source of stability and a sign of strength, that prosperity peaks when governments foster both free enterprise and free exchange of ideas, that liberty unlocks a people’s full potential. And in its absence, unrest festers.

然而，奧巴馬總統和我也從更廣闊的視角來看待保護人權和自由。保護中國在國際承諾和自己的憲法中闡明的那些自由——我們將之視爲中國成功崛起的一個關鍵方面，也是中國持續增長和繁榮的一個關鍵方面。我知道，在中國有人認爲擴大自由會破壞社會穩定，從而威脅經濟發展。我不想假裝知道答案，但我相信歷史證明情況是相反的——從長遠來看，更加開放是穩定的來源和實力的象徵，最有利繁榮的情況是政府既鼓勵自由創業又鼓勵自由交流觀點，自由使人民能夠充分發揮潛能。缺乏自由則會產生社會動盪。

Openness, free exchange of ideas, free enterprise and liberty are among the reasons why the United States, in my view, is at this moment the wealthiest nation in the history of the world. It’s why our workers are among the most productive, why our inventors and entrepreneurs hold more patents than any other country in the world, why we are reinvesting in the fundamental sources of our strength -- education, infrastructure, innovation, and why President Obama and I are so confident that America will weather the current economic storm and emerge even stronger, just as we always have in past economic crises, and why there’s no reason why China cannot tap into the same source of strength.

開放、思想的自由交流、自由企業以及各方面的自由等等，在我看來都是美國現在成爲世界歷史上最富有國家的原因。正因爲如此，我國工人位於生產率最高的行列;正因爲如此，我國發明家和創業者擁有的專利比世界上任何其他國家都多;正因爲如此，我們正在對我們國力的根本源泉--教育、基礎設施和創新進行再投資;正因爲如此，奧巴馬總統和我如此堅定地相信，美國將與以往經濟危機時期一樣，一如既往經受當前經濟風暴的考驗而變得更爲強大;正因爲如此，沒有任何理由中國不能挖掘同樣的力量源泉。

Going forward together is going to have a lot of growing pains. As I said at the outset, in just over 30 years since I first came to China, your progress has been nothing short of incredible. I can see that here in Chengdu, the city that is leading the effort to become a major player in the innovation economy, you can feel it. You can see it in the eyes of some of you students.

在共同向前進的道路上定會經歷很多成長的煩惱。我在一開始就說過，僅在我首次訪華以來的30多年時間裏，你們就已取得了令人難以置信的進步。我在成都就可以看到這一點，這個城市爲成爲創新經濟的主要角色走在最前列。人們可以感覺到這一點。從你們一些學生的眼神中可以看到這一點。

Looking at this audience, there are some among you who will be the new pioneers in China’s economic development, leaving your mark on history. Just like Steve Jobs, the founder of Apple and others have had in the United States, you have the capacity and the potential and I’m sure some of you will do it.

看一看在場的聽衆，你們中有一些人將成爲中國經濟發展過程中新的開拓者，在歷史上留下你們的印記。就像美國蘋果公司創始人史蒂夫?喬布斯等人那樣，你們也有這樣的能力和潛力，我相信你們中間的一些人會有這樣的成就。

I’m also proud that more than 160 Fortune 500 companies are operating in Chengdu High-tech Zone, including pioneer American businesses like Intel, Dell and Oracle. The U.S.-China relationship has also improved dramatically in the past 30 years. In order to cement this robust partnership, we have to go beyond close ties between Washington and Beijing, which we’re working on every day, go beyond it to include all levels of government, go beyond it to include classrooms and laboratories, athletic fields and boardrooms.

我還感到驕傲的是，有160多家《財富》世界500強公司在成都的高新技術產業開發區開展經營活動，包括因特爾、戴爾和甲骨文等開拓性的美國企業。美中關係在過去30年中取得了極大的改善。爲了鞏固這一堅實的夥伴關係，我們必須超越我們每天都在爲之努力的華盛頓和北京之間的緊密關係，將各級政府以及教室和實驗室、體育場和會議室都包括進來。

That's why we launched our 100,000 Strong Initiative to boost the number of American students studying in China each year and have maintained a robust Peace Corps presence. How many Peace Corps volunteers are here today? Raise your hands. We love you guys. Welcome. Welcome. (Applause.)

正是因爲如此，我們發起了“十萬人留學中國計劃”，增加每年留學中國的美國學生人數，並保持了相當多的和平隊人數。今天在這裏有多少和平隊志願者?請你們舉手。我們愛你們。歡迎。歡迎。(掌聲)

Last year, over 800,000 Chinese and 2 million Americans traveled between our countries to live, work, study and explore new places. On a personal note, I've seen the value of these exchanges through the experiences of my niece, a young woman who learned Mandarin at Harvard and spent a year in Beijing refining her language skills and ultimately worked at our Treasury Department on U.S.-China relations. There are tens of thousands of you like her, who are going to be the key to cement this relationship and deal with misconception and form the relevant societies about the motivations and operations of each of our countries.

去年，80多萬中國人和200萬美國人去對方國家生活、工作、學習和探索新的地方。就我個人來說，我通過我年輕的外甥女的經歷看到了這種交流的價值。她在哈佛大學學習普通話，後又在北京學習了一年，提高她的中文語言技能，最後到我國財政部從事美中關係方面的工作。你們中有成千上萬的人會像她那樣，爲鞏固兩國關係，消除誤解，建立關於我們兩國的意圖和運行的學社發揮重要作用。

These ties among our people are the life blood of our emerging partnership. The bottom line is this: As great nations and as global actors, the United States and China face many of the same challenges and share many of the same responsibilities. And the more we can work together, the more our people will benefit and -- as I said before it sounds chauvinistic, but the more the world will benefit as a consequence of our cooperation.

我們人民之間的紐帶是我們新興夥伴關係的生命力。歸根結底，作爲大國和全球要角，美國和中國面臨了許多相同的挑戰，也分擔了許多同樣的責任。我們越是互相合作，我們的人民就越能從中受益──我之前說過，這似乎有些沙文主義，但是全世界也能因我們的合作獲得更多的利益。

President Obama and I will continue the important work of making this partnership even more positive, cooperative and comprehensive in the coming years. And I hope -- I hope that my visit can serve as a step toward these goals and toward strengthening that bond.

奧巴馬總統和我將繼續從事這項重要事業，今後使這個夥伴關係更積極、更合作和更全面。我希望我的訪問能朝着這些目標併爲加強相互聯繫邁進一步。

So I thank you all for the honor of being here. More importantly, I thank you for taking the time to listen.

我今天很榮幸來到此地，感謝你們大家。更重要的，我謝謝你們花時間聆聽。

And with the permission of your president -- they tell me I don't have any time, but I never like to leave a university without at least taking a few questions. So I hope it’s permissible for me to able to take a few questions from the audience. Is that permissible, Mr. President. Is that okay? All, right. Thank you.

在得到貴校校長許可的情況下──他們告訴我已經沒有時間了，可是我從來不想在沒有至少回答幾個問題之前離開一所大學。所以我希望能夠讓我回答聽衆的幾個問題。你允許嗎，校長先生?是否可以? 好的。謝謝你。

As you can see as Vice President, I’m used to always checking with presidents first. (Laughter.) I’d be happy to take a couple questions. My staff is going to get angry if I take too much time. But, please, there’s microphones in both aisles, I guess. And I -- I can’t see with the light. Gentleman all the way in the back waving both hands. It must be important.

你們可以看到，作爲副總統，我總是習慣先向總統(校長)請示。(笑聲。)我很高興回答幾個問題。如果我花太多時間，我的工作人員會生氣的。現在請提問，我想兩邊走道應該都有麥克風。我──我這裏太亮，看不清楚。

Q: Good morning, Mr. President [sic]. And I’m a -- student from the medical school of Sichuan University. But my question is about economy first. And as you know that the China holds about $1 trillion U.S. bonds of treasury bonds. And that much money -- actually the value is uncertain because of the downgrade of U.S. credit rating. You seem to have instilled the confidence of the U.S. financial well-being into young people today because I heard you say that the U.S. economy is really resilient. And -- but words alone cannot ease the mounting concern over the safety of China’s assets. So we would like to hear more about what measures you’re going to implement to reduce those deficits and redeem the financial strength of America.

THE VICE PRESIDENT: It’s a very good question. One of the multiple rating agencies reduced our rating from AAA to -- plus -- come down one notch. And that was very disturbing and bothersome to us, and we have to deal with is.

副總統：這個問題提得很好。多家評級機構中有一家把我們的信貸評級從AAA下調了一級。這件事造成了一些困擾，對我們來說是個麻煩，我們不得不應對。

We do have a deficit that I was asked by the President to head up a commission to try to deal with that deficit. And we made some significant progress, but not the progress we could have made and will make. The bottom line is we have to deal with two elements of our economy. One is what we call entitlement programs -- long-term commitments to our people in the area of particularly Medicare. That is the safety net we have for people once they reach the age of 65 to be able to be assured that they have health care.

我們的財政確實有赤字，奧巴馬總統請我主持一個委員會來努力管理這項赤字。我們取得了一些重大進展，但還沒有取得我們本應取得和即將取得的進展。最根本的是，我們必須調整我國經濟中的兩個要素。一個是我們所說的“福利計劃”，特別是在聯邦老年醫保計劃方面向美國人民作出的長期承諾。該計劃是我們爲老年人提供的醫療保障，也就是年滿65歲即可享受的醫療保險。

And it is not sustainable without some changes in large part because we had what we call a baby boom, which doesn’t sound like much to Chinese -- 40 million people is not a big deal, I know. (Laughter.) But adding 40 million people to those who will benefit from the Medicare -- Medicaid payment -- Medicare payments has put the program in a position where changes have to be made.

如果不進行某些改變，該計劃將無法持續，主要原因是我們曾經有過一個所謂的“嬰兒潮”，這一時期出生的人有4,000萬，我知道對中國人來說這不算多，沒什麼大不了。(笑聲)但是，如果聯邦老年醫保計劃的受益者再增加4,000萬人，就會入不敷出，因此必須對該計劃作出改變。

It’s easy to make those changes, and we had a tentative agreement to do that between the major political leaders of the Republican Party and the Democratic Party and the administration. But there is a group within the Republican Party that is a very strong voice now that did -- wanted different changes, and so that deal fell through at the very end.

要實現這些變革並不難，共和黨和民主黨的主要領導人以及奧巴馬政府之間曾經達成一個初步協議。但共和黨內部現在有一羣嗓門很大的人，他們要求作出另外的改變，因此這項交易在最後關頭夭折了。

What we ended up doing is setting up a system whereby we did cut by $1.2 trillion upfront, the deficit over the next 10 years. And we set up a group of senators that have to come up with another $1.2 to $1.7 trillion in savings or automatically there will be cuts that go into effect in January to get those savings. So the savings will be accomplished. But as I was talking to some of your leaders, you share a similar concern here in China. You have no safety net. Your policy has been one which I fully understand -- I’m not second-guessing -- of one child per family. The result being that you’re in a position where one wage earner will be taking care of four retired people. Not sustainable.

我們最後做到的是建立了一個框架，在這個框架內我們決定把今後10年的赤字初步削減1.2萬億美元。我們還成立了一個參議員小組，該小組必須提出另外削減1.2萬億至1.7萬億美元的計劃，否則明年一月削減自動生效，以省下這筆錢。因此，縮減開支的目的一定會達到。但正如我通過與你們的一些領導人談話所瞭解到的，你們在中國也有類似的擔憂。你們缺乏社會保障網。你們一直實行一個家庭只生一個孩子的政策——我完全理解這一政策，也不會在這裏指手劃腳。但這種政策的結果是，一個賺取工薪的人將要照料四個退休的老人。這也是一種不可持續的狀況。

So hopefully we can act in a way on a problem that's much less severe than yours, and maybe we can learn together from how we can do that.

所以，我希望我們能夠對這個問題採取行動——與你們面臨的問題相比,我們的問題相對容易解決——或許我們可以共同探索如何解決這些問題。

But in the meantime, the concern that we will not make good on the investments that people have made -- in your case up to $1.7 trillion total out of a very large economy is not to worry about. We could not afford -- we could not afford not to make good on that requirement.

但與此同時，擔心我們作爲一個非常大型的經濟不會保持對人們投資的承諾——在你們的情況下有高達1.7萬億美元——是不需要的。我們不能不——我們不能不兌現承諾。

And that's why the irony was that in the Treasury offering in the first four days after the downgrade, more people actually came and bought our treasuries than before. And the interest rate paid on those treasury notes actually went down because they were so much in demand. So obviously, the rest of the world didn't think we were about not to. If the world thought, my God, they’ve been downgraded, and they are not going to make good on their debt, it would not have been viewed as the safest haven in the whole world to invest. We are still -- for all the economic difficulties nation’s have -- we are still the single best bet in the world in terms of where to invest.

這也就是爲什麼有意思的是，就國債發行而言，在降級後的最初四天裏，其實有比過去更多的人來購買我們的國庫券。而且需求之大，這些債券的利息率還降低了。所以顯然，世界其他地方沒有認爲我們將要不行了。如果全世界認爲，天哪，他們被降級了，他們即將無法還債了，那麼美國就不會被視爲是全世界最安全的投資之地。我們仍然是——儘管我們有種種經濟困難——就投資而言，我們仍然是全世界最最保險的地方。

And so -- but we do have to deal with the deficit. We will deal with it, and that's what this 2012 election is going to be about. The American people are going to speak on that.

所以說——但是，我們的確必須解決赤字問題。我們會解決它，這也將是2012年選舉的焦點。美國人民將對此發出他們的聲音。

Now, look, one last point, both our countries are going through a political transition in 2012. And it’s very important in my view that we both are aware of the political sensitivities in each of the countries as they go through that. But I’m confident we will come out stronger, as will you. But I don't in any way suggest -- please don't have the press read that Biden said that $1.7 trillion investment in the United States is not a big deal. It is a big deal if you are a Chinese. (Laughter.) It is not a big deal in terms of our financial instruments. It is a very small part, and so the Chinese people should take solace. In order for us not to make good on China’s debt, we would have to disappoint tens of millions of Americans who own 85 percent of that debt. And just in pure political terms, no politician wants to do that. (Laughter.) You’re safe. (Applause.)

還有最後一點。我們兩國都要在2012年經歷政治更迭期。我認爲，我們都非常有必要認識到各國在這一轉換時期時具有的政治敏感。但我有信心，我們將由此而變得更加強大，你們也一樣。但我絕對不是說——請新聞界不要將此解讀爲拜登說在美國1.7萬億的投資沒什麼了不得的;如果你是中國人，這是了不得的。(笑聲)但是作爲我們的金融手段而言，它不是了不得的，它是很小的一部分，所以中國人民應該安心。如果要讓我們無法兌現中國的債務，那我們必須首先要讓千百萬美國人失望，他們是85%國債的債權人。僅純粹從政治角度而言，沒有任何政治人物想這樣做。(笑聲)你們是安全的。(掌聲)

THE VICE PRESIDENT: Question. Young man in the striped shirt here. Can you get him the microphone?

Q: Thank you, very much, Your Excellency Vice President. I see you not just as the Vice President but a veteran and accomplished public speaker.

THE VICE PRESIDENT: Do I look that old? (Laughter.)

Q: I mean being serious -- so as is known to all, public speaking, and English public speaking, in particular, is getting all the more popular in China. So my question is twofold: First of all, what role has public speaking played in your life? Because we say that public speaking is the language of leadership. And secondly, what role do you think public speaking will play among our youth of the two countries and to our bilateral relations? Thank you very much. (Applause.)

THE VICE PRESIDENT: That's a very good question. Let me order my thoughts here to make this as brief as I can. The commodity that is worth a lot more than public speaking is sincerity when one speaks. I mean this sincerely now. (Laughter.) There are great orators that have come along in the world history who have been charlatans. So the most important thing to look to in a leader’s speech is not the elegance or the rhetorical flourish of his or her comments, but the judgment of whether or not you believe they are sincere in what they're saying.

副總統：這個問題提得很好。我來整理一下思緒，以便儘量簡要地作出回答。對於演講者來說，遠比演講技巧有價值的一點是真誠。我說這句話的時候就是真誠的。(笑聲)在世界歷史上有一些享有盛名的演說家其實是江湖騙子。因此，在聽一位領導人演說時，最重要的不是看其能否侃侃而談或其言辭是否文采飛揚，而在於你是否認爲演講人在講話時態度誠懇。

Secondly, you compliment me by saying I’m an accomplished public speaker. I don't know whether you’ve had an opportunity to see a movie that has gotten worldwide circulation called “The King’s Speech.” Well, but for the royal blood and the money, that could have been me. I was a serious stutterer when I was in school as a child, as a high school student, and even into college. And I practiced very, very hard by myself, standing in front of a mirror, trying to annunciate without contorting my face.

其次，你誇獎我是一位很有造詣的演說家。我不知道你是否有機會看過在世界各地廣泛放映的一個電影，叫做“國王的演說”。如果忽略王室出身和金錢，那個人可能就是我。我從小學到高中甚至大學一直有很嚴重的口吃。我刻苦練習，站在鏡子前面，努力在發音時不把臉扭歪。

When you think about it, whether it’s China or America, the only impediment people feel free to make fun of and humor of is a stutterer. If I had a deformed face, you would not make fun of my face. But if I stood before you and ta-ta-talked to-to-to you like that, you’d do what you’re now -- you’re smiling. And it’s offensive. It’s offensive. Because it is a serious impediment. When one stutters, people believe they are stupid. People believe they are not worth much. And there’s tens of millions of people around the world trapped with a keen mind and big heart, trapped inside of a body that cannot articulate what they feel.

我們可以想一想，無論是在中國還是美國，人們可以隨意開玩笑或取笑的唯一生理缺陷是口吃。如果我有一張殘缺變形的臉，你們不會取笑我的臉。但是，如果我站在你們面前，像這樣跟跟跟你們講講講話，你們可能會像現在這樣——在微笑。可這樣做是非常不禮貌的。這樣做是非常不禮貌的，因爲這是一種嚴重的生理缺陷。人們往往認爲口吃的人很笨，認爲他們沒什麼用處，然而世界上有千千萬萬聰明善良的人只是由於生理上的障礙不能表達他們的情感。

And the reason I bother to mention that to you is to get to the third and most important point. Speech, communication -- to state the obvious -- is the currency of understanding. It’s the currency with which we exchange ideas. It’s stuff from which flows the sense of whether one is being truthful or honest or sincere. We judge from the way people speak whether they’re being transparent and open, whether they're being cramped and cabined. And so the thing that I’m most embarrassed about in my career of 38 years of having an opportunity to literally meet every major world leader in the last 38 years. I was elected as a 30 -- 29-year-old, young man from modest means. And I’ve had that opportunity. The thing that always embarrasses me is -- and in the back of my head, I’m embarrassed in front of you -- I’m embarrassed I can’t speak to you in Chinese. I would -- seriously -- I would rather be able to honor you and show my respect for you by speaking your language, as you honor me by speaking mine.

我跟你們提到這件事是因爲我要講的第三點也是最重要的一點。言語、交流——表達清楚明白的想法——是達到理解的途徑，是我們交換想法的途徑，也是我們藉以判斷一個人是否真實、誠實或真誠的途徑。通過人們講話的方式，我們可以判斷他們是開誠佈公還是居心叵測。在我38年的職業生涯中——我曾有機會在這38年中與世界各地的領導人會晤——有一點讓我感到羞愧。我家境貧寒，30歲——其實是29歲——贏得選舉擔任公職。我得到了這個機會。有一點總是讓我感到羞愧的是——此刻我站在你們面前，內心也感到同樣的羞愧——我爲不能跟你們講中文而感到羞愧。我希望——這是真話——我能夠說你們的語言，以此向你們表示敬意，正如你們講我的母語是對我表示尊重。

And so language, the ability not only to master the ability to put your ideas into words succinctly on a platform to communicate ideas to your own people, it is even more impressive when you have the capacity to do that and communicate your ideas, especially as future business and political and moral leaders of the world in the language of the people to whom you are speaking.

語言是一種能力，它不僅能夠使你站在講臺上用詞彙明確地表達你的想法，向同胞們表達你的想法，更令人欽佩的是，它使你能夠用其他人的母語表達你的想法，特別是作爲世界上未來的企業家、政治家和道德典範。

So I think there is no greater resource that a nation could seek than having a group of people who were able to communicate in the same idiom, the same dialect, the same -- the same pattern as the people to whom as they're speaking. Because this is all about -- all about -- understanding one another.

因此，對於一個國家而言，我認爲最寶貴的資源就是有這樣一批人，他們能夠用對方的習慣用語、方言乃至遵循對方的語言習慣表達自己，因爲歸根結底最重要的是互相理解。

Let me conclude by saying this. My father was a high school-educated man. He never went to a university and -- nor did my mother or anyone in my family at that time. But my father was an elegant, decent man -- eloquent and elegant, decent man. My father used to have an expression, and maybe it’s the best way for me to conclude my comments with you all, and I wish I could stay later -- longer, sincerely wish I could. He used to say, Joe, the only conflict that is worse than one that is intended is one that is unintended. The only conflict worse than one that is intended is one that is unintended.

最後，我還要說幾句。我父親是個受過高中教育的人。他從來沒進過大學——那個時候， 我母親和任何家人都沒進過大學。但我父親是一個文雅、體面的人——有口才、溫文爾雅和體面的人。我父親總喜歡說這樣一句話，或許我最好用這句話結束對大家的講話，我希望我可以多留一會，——多呆一些時間，我衷心希望我能如此。他常說，喬，唯一比意想之中的衝突更糟的是意想不到的衝突。唯一比意想之中的衝突更糟的是意想不到的衝突。

Language, speech, interchange, openness, communication -- that is the material that can be used to lessen the possibility of the unintended, the unintended conflict. I have great faith in all of you. I mean this sincerely. You’re an incredible country, an incredible people. And the fact there’s a hundred thousand students here at this great university, the fact that there are millions of Chinese at universities throughout -- throughout this country; the fact that there’s 130,000 Chinese nationals speaking -- citizens, going to American universities is the stuff which gives me faith.

語言、話語、交流、開放、溝通——這是可以用來減少可能產生意想不到的、意外的衝突的方式。我對你們大家有極大的信心。我真心這樣想。你們是一個了不起的國家、了不起的民族。在這所優秀的學校有成千上萬的學生，在整個國家有數百萬人上大學;有13萬中國人上美國大學，有關的事實就是我信心的來源。

Believe in yourselves. Believe in yourselves. You have the capacity to do anything, anything anyone in the world has ever done. And the more you do, the better off my granddaughter and my great granddaughter’s generation are going to be.

相信你們自己。相信你們自己。你們有能力做任何事情，做任何世界上任何人曾經做過的事。你們做得越多，我的孫女和我的重孫女的這一代人都將過得更好。

Thank you for the honor of being here. (Applause.) Thank you, all, very much. (Applause.)

感謝你們讓我有幸來到這裏。(掌聲。)謝謝大家，多謝。(掌聲。)